{"id":120747,"date":"2023-09-04T18:29:42","date_gmt":"2023-09-04T18:29:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/?p=120747"},"modified":"2023-09-04T18:30:13","modified_gmt":"2023-09-04T18:30:13","slug":"lancarote-de-seixas-and-madampe-a-portuguese-casadoi-in-a-sinhalese-village-by-michael-roberts","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/lancarote-de-seixas-and-madampe-a-portuguese-casadoi-in-a-sinhalese-village-by-michael-roberts\/","title":{"rendered":"Lan\u00e7arote de Seixas and Madampe: A Portuguese Casado[i] in a Sinhalese Village-by Michael Roberts"},"content":{"rendered":"

Lan\u00e7arote de Seixas and Madampe: A Portuguese Casado[i] in a Sinhalese Village<\/span>–by Michael Roberts<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n

\"Michael<\/p>\n

Source:<\/span><\/strong>Thuppahis<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Chandra R. De Silva,\u00a0refereed article originally pubd in\u00a0Modern Ceylon Studies,<\/em>\u00a0Vol II\/1, 1970, pp. 18-34.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

At the end of the sixteenth century[ii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0when the Portuguese came into possession of the south-western sea-board, Madampe proper, was a sizeable village inhabited by about a hundred families.[iii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Though situated some forty miles to the north of Colombo, the centre of Portuguese power and activity, Madampe was in some respects well located being within seven miles of the important port of Chilaw and within three miles of the sea, over which the Portuguese still had undisputed control.[iv]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The village moreover, had twenty two minor villages attached to it, the whole forming the\u00a0gabadagama[v]<\/strong><\/a><\/em>\u00a0or royal demesne of Madampe, an area of approximately sixty square miles.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Statue of horse at Taniyavalla Devalaya, Madampe (constructed 1894) \u2026\u2026 Photo from 2017<\/span><\/p>\n

Evidence seems to indicate that when Portuguese took possession of Madampe its prosperity had declined somewhat from the level it had attained in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. During the heyday of the kingdom of Kotte, Madampe had profited by being on the land trade route from Kotte to the northern kingdom of Jaffna. Madampe was also in proximity to Chilaw and Negombo both of which developed as ports serving the Seven Korales and the western half of the kingdom of Kandy.[vi]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

The Chilaw-Madampe-Negombo region temporarily gained added economic importance in the mid-sixteenth century when the growing kingdom of Sitawaka, denied of its natural outlets to the sea was forced to divert its foreign trade through this region. However, the fall of Sitawaka, Portuguese hostility towards the king of Kandy, and Sinhalese resistance to the Portuguese in the Seven Korales, gradually led to a restriction of trade in the area.[vii]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

A more significant pointer to the economic decline of the Madampe area is the abandonment of cultivable land. The Portuguese\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 records 122\u00a0amunas<\/em>[viii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0of paddy land as abandoned.[ix]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0It is almost certain that some of these lands were abandoned during the early years of Portuguese rule viz, 1597-1613 when Sinhalese resistance was particularly strong in this area.[x]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0However, the process of abandoning land had started much earlier for 20\u00a0amunas<\/em>\u00a0at Tinipitiya are recorded as having been forestd esince the 1550\u2019s.[xi]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Nevertheless, even in the early seventeenth century, Madampe remained a relatively prosperous area. The total area of paddy land abandoned during the previous century was but a fraction of the 946\u00a0amunas<\/em>\u00a0still being regularly cultivated, though the seven-fold yield was somewhat lower than in other parts of south-west Ceylon.[xii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The decline in paddy cultivation must in some degree have been offset by the increase in the plantation of coconut. Evidence in the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0indicates that the coconut tree had been known to the inhabitants for a very long period before 1600.[xiii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0On the other hand, until about the sixteenth century, the number of trees planted would have been barely sufficient to pay royal dues and provide for subsistence.!\u2019[xiv]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

No contemporary estimate of the population of the area is available. The Portuguese\u00a0tombo\u00a0<\/em>of 1614 being primarily a land register, mentions persons only in connection with land and\/or revenue and thus the total of 617 families recorded may well be an underestimate. In any case the amount of paddy available for consumption by the local inhabitants (once taxes were paid and an allowance made for purposes of batter) could well have sustained a population of about four thousand five hundred people.The inhabitants themselves included many who had migrated from India since the l3th century.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some of them had been residents long enough to obtain land grants under the service tenure system. For instance five\u00a0parea<\/em>\u00a0weavers are recorded as having paddy land in the villages of Madampe, Kumbukkana, Puruduwela, Hattiniya and Tinipitiya.[xv]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The\u00a0careas pascadores<\/em>\u00a0or\u00a0karava<\/em>\u00a0fishermen were another such group. In Madampe, they had not as yet obtained paddy land although the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 records them as having obtained garden land planted with coconut.[xvi]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The twenty\u00a0chaleas canaleiros<\/em>\u00a0or\u00a0Salagama<\/em>\u00a0cinnamon peelers likewise have gardens with coconut but no mud land.[xvii]<\/a>\u00a0There were also small communities of Muslims at Tinipitiya and Kadupiti Koswadiya.[xviii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The strong Dravidian tinge in the population content is attested to by the fact that five of the thirteen local chieftains who came forward to aid the Portuguese to make the tombo answered to the name of Perumal.[xix]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The land tenure arrangements in Madampe while broadly in conformity to the traditional Sinhalese pattern, nevertheless present interesting variations. For example only 23.6% of paddy land was allocated according to service tenure, 1.7% formed\u00a0muttettu<\/em>[xx]<\/strong><\/a>land for the village holder and the\u00a0vidanes<\/em>[xxi]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0and, all the rest, some 74.7% of paddy land was cultivated under\u00a0otu<\/em>.[xxii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0This was a reversal of the normal distribution of land in villages in the interior of Kotte where most paddy land was allocated in exchange for services, the\u00a0otu<\/em>\u00a0tenure prevailing in only a few fields.[xxiii]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The lack of evidence hinders any assessment of the reasons for this variation. Perhaps the\u00a0otu<\/em>\u00a0fields were those opened up by more recent immigrants.[xxiv]<\/a>\u00a0Alternatively they might have been lands abandoned by their cultivators (malapalu\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0nilapalu<\/em>\u00a0lands)[xxv]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0later converted into\u00a0otu<\/em>\u00a0fields by the king or the village holder. Whatever the causes, this development had important effects, for now the nexus between the village holder and the villager was more the payment of dues (albeit in kind) than the performance of services.<\/span><\/p>\n

Another curious feature in Madampe before Portuguese occupation was the unusually high tax on coconut trees in the region. The Portuguese\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 refers to \u2018the very ancient duty of giving the lord one crop out of three collected every year.\u2019[xxvi]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0If the total annual produce of one coconut tree is estimated at fifteen nuts,[xxvii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0this involved a payment of five nuts per tree. Apart from this the inhabitants had to pay an additional nut per tree to supply coconut oil for the lord. This stands in contrast to the standard\u00a0pol aya\u00a0<\/em>or coconut tax paid in other parts of the country of one\u00a0fanam<\/em>[xxviii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0per ten coconut trees which is really the equivalent of one nut per tree.[xxix]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Even when land with coconut trees standing was granted the practice had been merely to charge double the\u00a0pol aya<\/em>.[xxx]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The combination of an unusually large proportion of\u00a0otu<\/em>\u00a0fields and a high tax on coconut made Madampe an exceptionally lucrative area to possess: Although it had traditionally been a\u00a0gabadagama\u00a0<\/em>in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries the king of Kotte began the practice of assigning this valuable area to one of their kinsmen at pleasure.[xxxi]<\/a>\u00a0The earliest known of these holden was Taniya Vallabahu, a son of King Vira Parakramabahu of Kotte (1477-1496).[xxxii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0This energetic prince was apparently able to transform Madampe into a semi-independent principality. He built a palace for himself on a small hillock near the modern township of Madampe[xxxiii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0and the area was held by his descendants for two further generations. Taniya Vallabahu\u2019s grandson, Vidiya Bandara eventually inherited Madampe and rose to great power by marriage to the daughter of King Bhuvaneka Balm of Kotte, (1521-1557).[xxxiv]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Map of Madampe .\u2026. kindly converted by Avishka Mario\u00a0 Seneviratne in Sri Lanka \u2026. for allto view conveniently<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The growth of Madampe as the centre of an autonomous principality was checked by the political upheavals of the mid-sixteenth century. The Portuguese had by this time won a position of great power and influence in Kotte, thanks to the disunity among the Sinhalese. Seeing in Vidiya Bandara the main obstacle to their complete dominance over Kotte, the Portuguese tried to imprison him but the chieftain made good his escape and tried to rouse the country against the foreigner. The Portuguese however soon regained the initiative, for not only did they retain their hold on Vidiya\u2019s elder son, Dom Jo\u00e3o Dhannapala, who was the Portuguese sponsored king of Kotte, but they also eventually obtained the assistance of their erstwhile enemy Mayadunne of Sitawaka. Defeated by the combined forces of his enemies Vidiya Bandara eventually returned to the area that had traditional loyalties to his family. Unfortunately for him, he was swiftly followed by the forces of Sitawaka under Rajasinha, son of Mayadunne and with the final rout of Vidiya, Madampe passed into the hands of Sitawaka.[xxxv]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0The area nevertheless continued to be a prized possession. It is known to have yielded a revenue of thirty-five thousand\u00a0fanams<\/em>\u00a0about this time.[xxxvi]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Rajasinha showed his appreciation of the value of this region by conferring it to his brother, Prince Timbiripola. On the death of Prince Tirnbiripola in 1581, Rajasinha resumed the\u00a0gabadagama<\/em>\u00a0and it remained a crown possession of the kings of Sitawaka until the conquest of that kingdom by the Portuguese in 1593 on behalf of Dom Jo\u00e3o Dharmapala, king of Kotte.[xxxvii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The restoration of Madampe to Dharmapala was in a sense a return of the family of Taniya Vallabahu to power in their ancestral domain, but Dharmapala was already aged and being without an heir, was continually pestered by both Portuguese and Sinhalese for various grants of lands and revenue in recognition of their services to him. Madampe was eyed by many, including the much feared leader of Sinhalese forces, Sim\u00e3o Correa but on Dharmapala\u2019s demise in 1597 the\u00a0gabadagama<\/em>\u00a0was granted to Bamunugama Appuharny who apparently had a valid grant from Dharmapala. The matter did not end there, for Sim\u00e3o Correa had his rival assassinated within a month and by 1598 obtained possession of Madampe for a quit rent of five hundred\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0a year.[xxxviii]<\/a>\u00a0Sim\u00e3o Correa probably considered that he would be able to get away with such a high-handed act as he had the confidence of the captain-general Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo.[xxxix]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0Correa however, had reckoned without Dom Pedro Manoel, a Sinhalese nobleman who had also extracted a grant of Madampe from King Dharmapala before he died.[xl]<\/a>\u00a0Dom Pedro appealed to the count of Vidigueira, viceroy of India[xli]<\/a>\u00a0who promptly decreed that Madampe should be handed over by Correa to Dom Pedro. Dom Pedro came into possession on 1st June 1599.[xlii]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Taniyavalla Devalaya (constructed 1894) Photo from 2017<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

It was at this stage that Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas Cabreira entered the scene. Little is known of his origins and early life. He apparently left his homeland for the East early in his life and like most Portuguese who wandered about in search of riches in the sixteenth century, he was never to return to Europe.[xliii]<\/a>\u00a0Sometime after reaching India, de Seixas married the daughter of a\u00a0casado\u00a0<\/em>of Cochin. For the next twenty years Cochin was his home.[xliv]<\/a>\u00a0Here, de Seixas, like other Portuguese settlers, no doubt made money in private trade but he also shone as a soldier. In 1597 he was specially rewarded for services in an expedition conveying aid to the Portuguese fort at Malacca. In 1599 he participated in the final battle against the Kunjalis, the admirals of the Zamorin of Calicut who had contested the Portuguese control of the Arabian Sea for almost a century.[xlv]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

It is not dear how de Seixas first obtained possession of Madampe. What probably did happen was that de Seixas petitioned the viceroy giving a record of his services and asking for Madampe as a reward. Whatever the method adopted, the result was that Aires de Saldanha, the new viceroy of India (1600-1604) granted Madampe and its annexures to Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas for \u2018three lives\u2019.[xlvi]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Dom Pedro Mauoel protested vigorously once more. His petitions were accompanied by those of another Sinhalese, Dom Jo\u00e3o Barreto who also presented a decree from his uncle King Dharmapala granting him the\u00a0gabadagama<\/em>\u00a0of Madampe. However, it proved much more difficult to obtain justice against a Portuguese \u2013 than against a Sinhalese. De Seixas apparently had powerful friends in Goa. He acted vigorously to maintain and strengthen his claims, making several journeys to Goa to present his point of view to the officials of the High Court (or Relac\u00e3o ) of Goa to which the case was referred. He secured the withdrawal of the claims of Dom Pedro Manoel by promising to nominate him as his successor. De Seixas also promptly brought his family as well his wife\u2019s parents from Cochin and settled them in Madampe, thus establishing\u00a0de facto<\/em>\u00a0occupation. As the higher revenue and judicial officials of Goa admitted, in the face of evidence presented it was difficult to justify the grant of Madampe to de Seixas, but in view of the disturbed conditions in Ceylon[xlvii]<\/a>\u00a0it was considered much better to keep a valuable area such as Madampe under a Portuguese than a Sinhalese and thus Madampe remained in the hands of de Seixas. It was a measure of de Seixas\u2019 far sightedness that he did not rest content with this legal victory. Soon after he made a private agreement with Dom Jo\u00e3o Barreto, by which the Sinhalese nobleman handed over all his claims to the area to de Seixas.[xlviii]<\/strong><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The achievement of de Seixas was that not merely did he take possession of Madampe in the face of contenders with far better claims than himself but he maintained his hold on the area till about the time of his death in 1632.[xlix]<\/a>\u00a0Continuous possessions of a village for such it long period was unusual in seventeenth century Ceylon for successive captains general and superintendents of revenue had developed the fine art of depriving both Portuguese and Sinhalese village holders of their possessions on relatively flimsy excuses in order to reward their relatives and favourites.[l]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

It was all the more creditable because de Seixas had a highly inflammable temper. He had open quarrels with two captains-general of Ceylon, Dom Jorge de Albuquerque (1621-1623) and Dom Filipe Mascarenhas (1630-1631).[li]<\/a>\u00a0In disputes with lesser officials, de Seixas did not hesitate to use violence. In late 1621 he and a party of his supporters are known to have manhandled the\u00a0ouvidor\u00a0<\/em>or judge and locked him in his jail house.[lii]<\/a>\u00a0Nine years later, de Seixas, when serving as the superintendent of revenue for the second time, waylaid another\u00a0ouvidor,<\/em>\u00a0Jo\u00e3o de Sequeira de Albuquerque, who was killed iu the scuffle.\u201d[liii]<\/a>\u00a0The intervention of de Seixas in the elections to the local Santa Casa de Misericordia[liv]<\/a>\u00a0in 1621 is known to have led to the death of one soldier and the wounding of several others in the clashes that followed.[lv]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

On the other hand de Seixas also had the knack of making influential friends. Ant\u00e3o Vaz Freire, superintendent of revenue (1608-1616) commended de Seixas in his letters to Lisbon.[lvi]<\/a>\u00a0Constantino de Sa de Noronha (Captain-General of Ceylon, 1618-1621 and 1623-1630) thought so highly of him that he recommended de Seixas as his interim successor.[lvii]<\/a>\u00a0The key to the success of de Seixas was perhaps an innate sense of timing. He intervened at crucial moments and made an excellent impression on those who counted. For example when Dom Francisco de Menezes (captain-general of Ceylon, 1612-1614) started to rebuild the walls of the Colombo fort, de Seixas was the first\u00a0casado<\/em>\u00a0to offer assistance.[lviii]<\/a>\u00a0Such promptitude did not go unrewarded. When the Mesa de Repartic\u00e3o[lix]<\/a>\u00a0set up according to royal instructions to deal with the allocation of villages met in 1614, it confirmed the grant of Madampe to Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas, thus giving him a better title to the area than he ever had before.[lx]<\/a>\u00a0By 1617 de Seixas was appointed captain of the fort of Colombo.[lxi]<\/a>\u00a0A year later, he was unanimously chosen by the viceroy-in-council in Goa as the\u00a0vedor da fazenda<\/em>\u00a0of Ceylon.[lxii]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Similarly, when de Seixas was under a cloud for his high handed activities in the early 1620\u2019s, he bounced back into favour by joining the incoming viceroy, Count of Vidigueira (1623-1628) with a ship equipped at his own cost to fight the Anglo-Dutch squadron blockading Goa. Once again, he was promptly rewarded, this time with the post of\u00a0Provedor Mor dos Contos<\/em>\u00a0(Chief Accountant) at Goa which post he held for a year.[lxiii]<\/a>\u00a0De Seixas needed all the goodwill he had built up in combating the threat to his possession of Madampe which arose at the end of the second decade of the seventeenth century. This threat came not from any individual but rather from the Portuguese state itself. During the twenty years that followed the death of the last Sinhalese king of Kotte, the Portuguese administration was plagued with a recurrent deficit.[lxiv]<\/a>\u00a0As the expenses of the army rations formed a substantial part of the state expenditure, the authorities in Lisbon became convinced that if twelve of the best villages are set apart to meet this need the financial problems of Portuguese might well be solved. Unfortunately for de Seixas, Madampe was one of the areas recommended as most suitable for this purpose by the Bishop of Cochin in 1619, and for the next thirteen years, de Seixas had to spend much of his energy in preventing this step being taken. In this sphere he had the support of powerful vested interests, spear-headed by the Jesuits who feared the loss of their land at Munneswaram. No Captain-General proved willing to challenge such opposition, and therefore, until the Kandyan invasion of the lowlands in 1630-1631 dislocated the pattern of landholding, His Catholic Majesty\u2019s most loyal subjects held on to their land, at the expense of His Majesty\u2019s interests.[lxv]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

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From the point of view of de Seixas there is little doubt that the struggle was worth it. Before he obtained Madampe, de Seixas, despite his twenty years of service, was a relatively Iittle-known soldier. Two decades of village ownership in Ceylon made him one of the wealthiest and most influential\u00a0casados<\/em>\u00a0in Ceylon. Dom Frei Luis de Brito, Bishop of Cochin maintained in 1619, that Madampe yielded 6000 pard\u00e3os a year. Although this was obviously an exaggerated estimate designed to make the state officials covetous of Madampe, it is very likely that the total gross revenue of 1010\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0recorded in\u00a0tombo\u00a0<\/em>of 1614 was an underestimate.[lxvi]<\/a>\u00a0In any case, the value of Madampe to de Seixas was by no means confined to land revenue alone.[lxvii]<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0It was the source from which he obtained supplies of cinnamon which he exported from the island in violation of the regulations imposing a royal monopoly of trade.[lxviii]<\/a>\u00a0It was the base for a profitable trade with Kandy in cloth, salt and opium.[lxix]<\/a>\u00a0It was finally the stepping stone to such lucrative posts as that of the superintendent of revenue.[lxx]<\/a>\u00a0Tn short, Madampe was a key factor in the rise of Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas to prominence.<\/span><\/p>\n

The impact of de Seixas on Madampe is less easy to gauge, but it should be borne in mind that after Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas entered public life by acquiring high office in Ceylon, he was to a large extent an absentee landlord. In fact, even during the first sixteen years of the seventeenth century, de Seixas was by no means continuously resident at Madampe. He is known to have visited Goa, Cochin, Jaffna and the eastern coast of Ceylon at various different times.[lxxi]<\/a>\u00a0During the periods 1617-1624 and 1628-1632 there is sufficient evidence to indicate that he did not have an opportunity to reside at Madampe for any long period. In his absence, the affairs at Madampe would have been managed by one of his sons.[lxxii]<\/a>\u00a0Nevertheless, de Seixas was a man who had very definite views on most subjects[lxxiii]<\/a>\u00a0and as such he was unlikely to leave the running of his domains wholly to others for any long period. He realized the need to keep the local inhabitants contented but he also strongly opposed giving them any measure of independence.[lxxiv]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

One of the spheres in which de Seixas made a definite impact on Madampe was that of coconut cultivation. In the first place, as Hapu Naide testified before Ant\u00e3o Vaz Freire in 1614, Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote\u00a0 de Seixas by an agreement with the local inhabitants commuted the old tax of \u2018one crop in three\u2019 for one nut per tree, apart from which he received an additional nut per tree for coconut oil.[lxxv]<\/a>\u00a0This sharp reduction in dues would undoubtedly have stimulated a further expansion in coconut. Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas himself was active in planting coconut. When he took over the village there had been 11\u00a0muttettu<\/em>\u00a0gardens with a total of under 600 coconut trees. By 1614 he had four new gardens cleared and planted with a further 1200 trees. He claimed to have planted another 1200 trees by 1630. De Seixas was perhaps only accelerating an existing trend, for coconut cultivation had been spreading on the south-west coast of Ceylon during the two preceding centuries.[lxxvi]<\/a>\u00a0However, his work in this respect acquires significance, for interest in agricultural pursuits among Portuguese in Ceylon has been little known.<\/span><\/p>\n

The impact of the regime of de Seixas on paddy cultivation cannot be properly assessed for lack of evidence. Jorge Frolim de Almeida unfortunately omits to give the paddy yield for Madampe in his\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1599 and thus, the only set of figures we have are those from Ant\u00e3o Vaz Freire\u2019s\u00a0tombo\u00a0<\/em>of 1614. On the whole, however, evidence seems to indicate that the level of production of 1614 was maintained if not increased at least up to 1630.[lxxvii]<\/a>\u00a0The Bishop of Cochin gives a glowing picture of the prosperity of Madampe in 1619,\u00a0\u2018. . . he hua aldea q tem en sy muittas e mais de 6 legoas a milhor terra q ha em Ceildo e tern annexas mtas\u00a0e campos e mattos de canella, pinienta, areca, a mtos\u00a0palmos de fruto e outros\u00a0vaszeas em q se semeao e outtros mantimentos a gente da terra gosta \u2026 \u2018<\/em>[lxxviii]<\/a>\u00a0This would seem toindicate that Madampe had escaped the worst of the ravages that affected the Seven Korales at the time of the revolt of Nikapitiya Bandara (1616-1617).[lxxix]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The Portuguese impact on the production of two commercial crops, cinnamon and pepper, can be calculated with somewhat greater precision. According to the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 the cinnamon peelers of Madampe gave de Seixas twenty\u00a0bahars<\/em>\u00a0of cinnamon in lieu of land held, but the\u00a0regimento\u00a0<\/em>given by the viceroy to the incoming\u00a0Vedor<\/em>\u00a0Diogo Mendes de Brito in 1639 states that the\u00a0chaleas<\/em>\u00a0of Madampe produce a hundred to a hundred and ten\u00a0bahars<\/em>.[lxxx]<\/a>\u00a0This five-fold increase in production within twenty five years could not have been made with the existing\u00a0chalea<\/em>\u00a0labour force. As it was in 1614, the\u00a0salagama<\/em>\u00a0people of Madampe had the very high burden of one\u00a0bahar<\/em>\u00a0per family,[lxxxi]<\/a>\u00a0and therefore, in increasing production, de Seixas must have followed the example of de Azevedo who forced people of other castes in the Seven Korales to peel cinnamon.[lxxxii]<\/a>\u00a0This increase in cinnamon production incidentally reveals another reason why de Seixas wished so much to retain Madampe. Even if the hundred bahars were sold to the Portuguese treasury at the official rate of four or five\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0a\u00a0bahar,[lxxxiii]<\/strong><\/a><\/em>\u00a0the income accruing to de Seixas would have been substantial. If smuggled to Cochin and sold even at the depressed level of cinnamon prices of the 1620\u2019s it would have fetched at least four times that amount. In the face of such profits, it is easy to see how the caste sensibilities of the Sinhalese were often forgotten.<\/span><\/p>\n

If the story of cinnamon was one of successful adoption of orthodox as well as unorthodox methods to increase production, the history of Portuguese policy towards pepper cultivation, in Madampe, as in the rest of Ceylon, was one of the failure of an unimaginative policy. The Portuguese had for long been interested in the stimulation of pepper production in Ceylon partly because pepper could be conveniently packed with cinnamon for export and partly because a secure supply from Ceylon would free the Portuguese from the vagaries of Malabar politics.[lxxxiv]<\/a>\u00a0However, the instruments of policy used by them to attain this objective \u2013 compulsory purchase and compulsory cultivation \u2013 both ultimately proved ineffective. These policies were originally proposed in 1599 by Jorge Frolim de Almeida who recommended that villages be granted only on the condition that a specified quantity of pepper is cultivated in them and moreover that this pepper be sold to the state at a fixed price. The proposed price was one\u00a0larim\u00a0<\/em>for eight large measures (or 32 Portuguese measures).[lxxxv]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The Portuguese tombo of 1614 laid down a modified version of this scheme. In lands where pepper could be grown, 1\/3 of the quit rent had to be paid in pepper within four years.[lxxxvi]<\/a>\u00a0The price offered was rather high, perhaps too high \u2013 a\u00a0larim<\/em>\u00a0for every six measures. The result was that the village holders, both Sinhalese and Portuguese, intent on making more money simply confiscated all the pepper in their villages and sold it to the state. This is well illustrated in the case of Madampe where all pepper vines recorded were considered the property of de Seixas. The obvious result was that the Sinhalese farmers ceased the cultivation of pepper.[lxxxvii]<\/a>\u00a0The Portuguese at first tried to counter this by decrees enforcing compulsory cultivation by all classes. For example a proclamation of captain-general<\/span><\/p>\n

Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira laid down that each\u00a0cully<\/em>\u00a0was to plant five pepper vines, each\u00a0lascarin,<\/em>\u00a0six, each\u00a0mayoral,<\/em>\u00a0seven and each senhor, twenty.[lxxxviii]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Proclamations rarely have as much effect as incentives, but itwas only in Constantino de Sa\u2019s second term of office (1623-1630) that the Portuguese began to consider giving the peasant a stake in pepper cultivation. De Sa laid down that each official should plant three pepper vines, each\u00a0nilakaraya<\/em>\u00a0four, each\u00a0mayoral<\/em>\u00a0five, and each village holder eight. Failure to comply with these requirements was punishable by a fine of five\u00a0chakrams.<\/em>\u00a0De Sa however, did not rely on compulsion alone. He held that land holders should be allowed to keep a part of the produce for consumption and should sell the rest direct to the royal treasury but this last measure proved difficult to enforce, for by this time the village holders had obtained a strong grip on the pepper produced in the villages. The Portuguese, therefore, never obtained the expansion of supply they required.<\/span><\/p>\n

Within this structure however Lancarote de Seixas did what he could. When he took possession of Madampe there were 80 pepper vines to whose produce he was entitled. During the next twelve years, he had a further 238 vines grown.[lxxxix]<\/a>\u00a0But this was a mere fraction of what could have been produced had the inhabitants been given a share of the profits.<\/span><\/p>\n

It is clear that the greatest Portuguese economic impact on Madampe was therefore in relation to crops which had a commercial value \u2013 cinnamon. pepper, coconut and arecanut.[xc]<\/a>\u00a0While in some respects the inhabitants of Madampe may have benefited,[xci]<\/a>\u00a0in others Portuguese policy bore hard on the people. In this respect. however, the people of Madarnpe were perhaps more fortunate than most, for de Seixas was a landlord shrewd enough to know the value of a contented peasantry. Therefore, although the Sinhalese peasants probably did have to toil to build\u00a0\u2018huas casas nobres e grandes\u2019\u00a0<\/em>they must have also appreciated his interest in the planting of jak, mango and\u00a0pera<\/em>\u00a0(guava)trees.[xcii]<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The religious impact on Madampe was probably as significant as the economic one. In this respect, however, the role of de Seixas was minimal. It was not that he opposed the activities of the missionaries. On the contrary, he is known to have actively supported them in other parts of the island but he always remained critical of some of their activities which he pe,rceived had led to the alienation of the people.[xciii]<\/a>\u00a0He was also critical of the extensive land grants held by the Jesuits and, in 1621, made an unsuccessful attempt to deprive them of their villages in return for which he offered an annual stipend for all Jesuits in the field.[xciv]<\/a>\u00a0Thus, it is likely that missionary activity in Madampe operated, though with his consent and approval, in a manner largely indeendent of de Seixas.<\/span><\/p>\n

Madampe was part of the area allocated to the Jesuits soon after their arrival in the island in 1602. In the early years Madampe was looked after by the Jesuit stationed at Chilaw. The village of Madampe itself and Marawila were the original areas of activity. Fr. Emmanuel Barradas claimed that 200 people were converted during the year 1613 in Madampe.[xcv]<\/a>\u00a0Gradually the Christian community grew. A separate Jesuit priest was stationed at Madampe and awarded an allowance 90\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0a year from state funds.[xcvi]<\/a>\u00a0He was in charge of three churches in the area, Assumption of Our Lady at Madampe with a congregation of over 1100, the Church of Saint Francis Xavier at Marawila with 650 and the Church of Saint Ambrose at Katuneriya with 230.[xcvii]<\/a>\u00a0About half of Madampe\u2019s population had embraced the new faith.<\/span><\/p>\n

The combined effect of the events of the first four decades of the seventeenth century had a tremendous impact on the people of Madampe. New masters had arrived and with them, a new religion and also, new economic burdens. The old society was disrupted and men had to adjust to the new environment. Yet after all Madampe was experiencing only what the rest of south west Ceylon did at the same time and that in a somewhat less violent manner.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cCR\u201d AS HE IS WIDELY KNOWN IN PERADENIYA CIRCLES\u00a0 \u2026. BUT AS HE IS\u00a0TODAY<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n

<\/h4>\n

<\/h4>\n

<\/h4>\n

<\/h4>\n

END NOTES \u2026\u00a0<\/strong>.\u2026.\u00a0WITH AMENDMENTS THAT INCLUDE LATER PUBLICATIONS<\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n

[i]<\/a>\u00a0A married Portuguese soldier.<\/span><\/p>\n

[ii]<\/a>\u00a0The Portuguese seized control of most of the kingdom of Kotte on behalf of the Sinhalese king, Dom Jo\u00e3o Dharmapala, after the death of Rajasinha of Sitawaka in 1593. They claimed\u00a0de jure\u00a0<\/em>control over this region after the death of Dharmapala in 1597. For further details see T. B. H. Abeysinghe,\u00a0Portuguese Rule in Ceylon 1594-1612,<\/em>\u00a0Colombo, 1966, pp. 8-22, Alan Strathern,\u00a0Kingship and Conversion in Sixteenth Century Sri Lanka: Portuguese Imperialism in a Buddhist Land,<\/em>\u00a0Cambridge University Press, 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n

[iii]<\/a>\u00a0Archivo Historico Ultramarino,\u00a0<\/em>(AHU) Lisbon, Codice 280. ff. 15-16. P. E. Pieris has summarized (rather inaccurately in some places) and translated the above\u00a0codice<\/em>\u00a0in\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral,1593,\u00a0<\/em>Colombo, 1949. Codice 280 reflects the conditions in Kotte in 1614 and forms a part of the four volume\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0or land register completed by Ant\u00e3o Vaz Freire in that year.<\/span><\/p>\n

[iv]<\/a>\u00a0The Dutch had arrived in the East by 1596 but except for a Danish squadron which anchored off Ceylon\u2019s eastern shores in 1618-1619, no naval power challenged the Portuguese in force in Ceylon\u2019s coastal waters till 1638, although hostile vessels were sighted off and on.<\/span><\/p>\n

[v]<\/a>\u00a0For further information on\u00a0gabadagam\u00a0<\/em>or villages owned by the ruler, see Ralph Pieris,\u00a0Sinhalese Social Organization,\u00a0<\/em>Colombo, 1956. pp. 50-55. Twenty out of the twenty two villages mentioned in the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 can still be identified. See map.<\/span><\/p>\n

[vi]<\/a>\u00a0Trade between Madampe and Kandyan areas persisted until well into the seventeenth century despite hostility between the Portuguese and the Kandyans. See\u00a0Archivo Nacional do Torre de Tombo,\u00a0<\/em>(ANTT), Lisbon,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>\u00a045,\u00a0 f. 354.<\/span><\/p>\n

[vii]<\/a>\u00a0According to the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of Kotte prepared by Jorge Frolim de Almeida in 1599 the revenues of the port of Negombo were at least double those of Colombo.\u00a0 De Almeida further states\u00a0\u2018\u2026se diz q em tempo de Rajo era este porto a principal de R<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>dimento e q rendia tres vezas mais,\u2019<\/em>\u00a0(ANTT\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a<\/em>, Tomo 6D. pp. 335-336.) Within twenty years the situation was reversed. The customs revenue of Negombo fell, from three or four thousand pard\u00e3os to two thousand pard\u00e3os while those of Colombo rose to well over six thousand pard\u00e3os. (Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a019D. 33\/2-5 in\u00a0Boletim de Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa,\u00a0<\/em>Antonio da Silva Rego, ed., Lisbon, 1968;\u00a0Biblioteca Publica Eborense,<\/em>\u00a0Evora, GR Arm. V-VI. 14-5. f. l69;\u00a0Biblioteca de Ajuda<\/em>, Lisbon. 51-V-44. f. 23v; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a06, f. 258) For an English translation of the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1599 see C. R. de Silva, The First Portuguese Revenue Register of Kotte, 1599 by Jorge Florim de Almeida (translated into English and edited with an introduction),\u00a0The Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies,\u00a0<\/em>new series, V (1&2), 1975, pp. 71-153.<\/span><\/p>\n

[viii]<\/a>\u00a0An\u00a0amuna<\/em>\u00a0equals five bushels of paddy or the extent sown by five bushels of paddy. The figures for paddy cultivation in Madampe given in P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593,<\/em>\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, page 19 are inaccurate.<\/span><\/p>\n

[ix]<\/a>\u00a0AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 280, ff. 15-25.<\/span><\/p>\n

[x]<\/a>\u00a0Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo (Captain-General of Ceylon, 1594-1612) is known to have devastated much of the Seven Korales in an attempt to regain it in 1596-1601 and 1603-12. T. Abeysinghe,\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a032; C. R. de Silva,\u00a0The Portuguese in Ceylon 1617-1638,<\/em>\u00a0Colombo, 1972, p. 31.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xi]<\/a>\u00a0AHU,\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 280. f. 22v. It could be noted that much of the abandonment or land may be traced to the era of the conflict between Sitawaka on the one hand and the Portuguese sponsored kings of Kotte on the other.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xii]<\/a>\u00a0AHU,\u00a0op.cit.,\u00a0<\/em>Codice 280. ff, 15-25. Paddy yields as recorded in the Portuguese\u00a0tombos<\/em>\u00a0of Kotte vary between five-fold and ten-fold. In the Madampe region, the cultivation of dry grains was also important, 46\u00a0amunas<\/em>\u00a0and one\u00a0pela<\/em>\u00a0being devoted to them in the area. Other items of food included white jaggery, curd and ghee. See P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral.<\/em>1593, op.cit.,\u00a0<\/em>pp. 12, 16;\u00a0History of Ceylon.\u00a0<\/em>Vol. I. Part II. (University of Ceylon Press. Colombo, 1960) p. 722.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xiii]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, p. 18. See also C. R. de Silva, Sri Lanka in the Early Sixteenth Century: Economic and Social Conditions,\u00a0University of Peradeniya, History of Sri Lanka,<\/em>\u00a0Volume II, edited by K. M. de Silva, University of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, 1995, pp. 37-60.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xiv]<\/a>\u00a0The port regulations for Chilaw which detail the dues to be charged for various quantities of rice, dry grains, arecanut, beetle, pepper, cloth, salt, opium and spices make no mention of coconut or coconut oil.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xv]<\/a>\u00a0AHU,\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 280, ff.15-16v, 21, 22v. Three others at Wennappuwa, Katuneriya and Nambiratipati had only garden land.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xvi]<\/a>\u00a0The sixteen\u00a0karava<\/em>\u00a0families at Galamune and Galahitiyawa possessed sixteen gardens with a total of 1300 coconut trees.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xvii]<\/a>\u00a0Their twenty gardens contained 965 coconut trees. The above implies that either the\u00a0parea\u00a0<\/em>weavers preceded the two other groups to Ceylon or were more successful in finding a niche in the local land tenure system.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xviii]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, p. 17. Twenty eight Muslim families owned 1800 coconut trees.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xix]<\/a>\u00a0Ibid.<\/em>\u00a0p. 9.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xx]<\/a>\u00a0\u201cMuttettu\u201d = land of the king or village holder which had to be cultivated free of charge by<\/span><\/p>\n

the villagers. For further details on\u00a0muttettu<\/em>\u00a0and other Sinhalese land tenure nomenclature see H. W. Codrington,\u00a0Ancient Land Tenure and Revenue in Ceylon,<\/em>\u00a0Colombo,1938. pp. 8-30.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxi]<\/a>\u00a0The\u00a0Vidane<\/em>\u00a0was the collector of revenue.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxii]<\/a>\u00a0Otu\u00a0<\/em>was a form of lease under which the cultivator paid a part of the crop to the owner. In Madampe the payment was one\u00a0amuna<\/em>\u00a0of paddy for every\u00a0amuna<\/em>\u00a0sown. If abandoned lands are taken into consideration the percentages would be 11.4 % abandoned, 66.2 %\u00a0otu,<\/em>\u00a020.8 % service land, and 1.4 %\u00a0muttettu.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

[xxiii]<\/a>\u00a0 See P. E. Pieris, Kiraveli Pattuva 1614,\u00a0Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,<\/em>\u00a036 (4), 1945, pp. 141\u2013183. Madampe however, was by no means an isolated case. Other instances of large proportions of\u00a0otu\u00a0<\/em>lands were found in the coastal districts. For example see P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, pages 5, 88 on Velihane (belonging to the Hindu temple at Munneswaram) and Bambaranda. But these cover areas of smaller size.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxiv]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Unfortunately the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0does not mention the castes of those who cultivated\u00a0otu<\/em>\u00a0land except in one case when it records that only the\u00a0salagama<\/em>\u00a0people cultivated the 37\u00a0amunas\u00a0<\/em>of\u00a0otu\u00a0<\/em>at Haligama.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxv]<\/a>\u00a0malapalu\u00a0<\/em>= vacated due to death,\u00a0nilapalu\u00a0<\/em>= vacated due to abolition of post<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxvi]<\/a>\u00a0 P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, p. 18.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxvii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0This figure given in the Portuguese\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 was perhaps an underestimate.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxviii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0In the sixteenth century, approximately seven\u00a0fanams<\/em>\u00a0equalled one\u00a0larim<\/em>. By 1614 the value of the\u00a0fanam<\/em>\u00a0had fallen so that twenty\u00a0fanams<\/em>\u00a0equalled one\u00a0larim.<\/em>\u00a0For further details see H. W. Codrington,\u00a0Ceylon Coins and Currency,<\/em>\u00a0Colombo, 1924.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxix]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, pp. 35, 56.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxx]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u2018E coando el Rey dava algua de teRa q tinha ja palmras\u00a0lhes pagava de foro dobrado q era de cada dez palmras\u00a0dous fanoes \u2026 \u2018<\/em>\u00a0ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a<\/em>, Tomo 6D, page 330. Translation from C. R. de Silva, The First Portuguese Revenue Register of Kotte, 1599,\u00a0op. cit,<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0p. 110, \u2018And when the King has given some land where there are coconut trees, they pay double the rent which is two\u00a0fanams<\/em>\u00a0per ten coconut trees.\u2018<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxi]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593<\/em>,\u00a0op.cit.<\/em>, p. 10.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Rajavaliya<\/em>\u00a0(trans., by B. Gunasekera), Colombo, 1900 p. 71; S. Paranavitana, The Emperor of Ceylon at the Time of the Arrival of the Portuguese in 1505,\u00a0University of Ceylon Review<\/em>, Vol. XIX, No. I, April 1961, pp. 10-29; H. C. P. Bell, Prince Taniyavalla Bahu of Madampe,\u00a0Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\u00a0<\/em>\u00a0Vol. XXVIII, 1920, pp. 36-38.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxiii]<\/a>\u00a0 The site of the palace today is part of a coconut estate appropriately known as the Maligawatte Estate. Inhabitants of the area report that pieces of pottery, bricks and the like are regularly unearthed in the neighbourhood. The site itself is approximately one and a half miles south of Madampe (old town) bazaar and is near the Kadupiti Ela. The identification of the site is confirmed by information in a late sixteenth century prose account\u00a0Alakeswara Yuddhaya<\/em>\u00a0(ed. by E. V. Suraweera) Colombo, 1965 which states that Taniya Vallabahu lived at Kadupiti Madampe. The autonomy gained by the local princes at the time of the advent of the Portuguese to Ceylon is an index of the weakness of the Kotte kingdom.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxiv]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0The Portuguese\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 is confused on this subject. It mentions that Tribile Pandar (the name by which the Portuguese knew Vidiya Bandara) held Madampe, and then goes on to mention that it was his brother Trigu Pandar who married Samudra Biso, Bhuveneka Bahu\u2019s daughter. (P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 10). The tombo of 1599, however makes it clear that the same person held Madampe and married Samudra Biso. In 1619 the Bishop of Cochin commented\u00a0\u2018Esta aldea com suas terras foi patrimento dos Reys de Ceil\u00e3o e ali rezidia el Rey Dom Jo\u00e3o Pereapandar e com aquellas terra se sustentare sua casa\u2026\u2019<\/em>\u00a0(ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a016, f. 210v). Translation: \u201cThis village and its lands was the patrimony of the Kings of Ceylon and there lived King Dom Jo\u00e3o Dharmapala and with these lands he supported his household.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxv]<\/a>\u00a0 For further details see Queyroz,\u00a0The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon<\/em>, trans S. G. Perera, Colombo 1930. pp. 306-326;\u00a0Rajavaliya, op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>pp. 80-86. Evidence in the\u00a0Rajavaliya<\/em>\u00a0(pp. 80-86) Queyroz (pp. 318-319) and the Portuguese\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0of 1614 (AHU codice 280. f. 14v) indicate that the Portuguese and King Dharmapala gave up claims to the Seven Korales to Sitawaka in exchange for support against Vidiya Bandara, Thus the year 1555 would mark an important stage in the rise of the power of Sitawaka.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxvi]<\/a>\u00a0 ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a<\/em>, Tomo 6D, p. 381.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxvii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 11.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxviii]<\/a>\u00a0Ibid.,\u00a0<\/em>ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a,\u00a0<\/em>Tomo 6D, p. 351.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xxxix]<\/a>\u00a0Abeysinghe, op. cit.\u00a0 p. 81.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xl]<\/a>\u00a0Dharmapala in his last years either due to dotage or to satisfy all his followers apparently granted the same area to a number of persons.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xli]<\/a>\u00a0Dom Francisco da Gama was a descendant of Vasco da Gama. He was the viceroy of India from 1597-1600.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlii]<\/a>\u00a0ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a,\u00a0<\/em>Tomo 6D, p. 381. On the 29th of November 1599 Jorge Frolim de Almeida,\u00a0Vedor<\/em>\u00a0(Superintendent of Revenue) of Ceylon commented as follows,\u00a0\u2018\u2026 E o Sor Conde Vissorey deu esta teRa por despacho Somte\u00a0a DomPo o nal, e CoRe com el a de primro\u00a0de Junho de 599 em diante e nao declara ainda q a de pagar de foro .. .\u2019<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

[xliii]<\/a>\u00a0There is no evidence or his birth in Portugal but his numerous enemies never sneered at him for being a\u00a0\u2018natural da India\u2019<\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xliv]<\/a>\u00a0Arquivo General de Simancas,\u00a0<\/em>Valladolid, Spain (AGS),\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,\u00a0<\/em>1523. f.3 .<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlv]<\/a>\u00a0Ibid.,<\/em>\u00a0f. 5v-6. In the battles against the Kuujalis, Jo\u00e3o de Seixas, brother of Lancarote de Seixas lost his life.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlvi]<\/a>\u00a0Ibid.,\u00a0<\/em>f. 5v. It is not known whether de Saldhanha was ignorant or his predecessor\u2019s decree or whether he decided to ignore it. A grant for \u2018three lives\u2019 implied the right to hold the village till death and to transmit it to two others in succession.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlvii]<\/a>\u00a0The rebellions of Akaragama Aratchi and Domingos Correa in the period 1594-1598 must certainly have inspired considerable distrust of the Sinhalese among the Portuguese.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlviii]<\/a>\u00a0AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,\u00a0<\/em>1523. ff. 4-4v,\u00a0 ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>16, f. 211; 24, f. 21.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xlix]<\/a>\u00a0ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>30, f.183. Madampe was resumed by the state as a\u00a0gabadagama<\/em>\u00a0in 1632.<\/span><\/p>\n

[l]<\/a>\u00a0AHU,\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa VI, 2.11.1618; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a055, ff. 29, 114, 192; Livro 18, f. 244, C. R. de Silva,\u00a0The Portuguese in Ceylon, op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>pp. 61, 136.<\/span><\/p>\n

[li]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Assentos do Conselho do Estado da India,<\/em>\u00a0Pandurouga S. S. Pissurlencar, (ed.) Bastora, 1953. Vol. I. p. 353;\u00a0Biblioteca Nacional,<\/em>\u00a0Lisbon, Fundo Geral 939 f. 39a; C. R. de Silva,\u00a0The Portuguese in Ceylon, op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 61.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lii]<\/a>\u00a0\u201c O dito Lan\u00e7arote de Seixas ajudado de outro hom<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>s seu parcial e tomando pollo cabec\u00e3o\u00a0<\/em>o ouvidor o levou ao tronco e meteo nelle \u2026\u201d\u00a0<\/em>\u00a0Viceroy of India to the King of Portugal, 18.2.1622 (ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>15, f. 191).<\/span><\/p>\n

[liii]<\/a>\u00a0Biblioteca da Ajuda,\u00a0<\/em>Lisbon, 51-VIII-5I, ff. 269-270;\u00a0Assentos do Conselho do Estado da India, op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>p. 299;\u00a0Boletim de Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, op. cit,<\/em>\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a014, 114\/3-5. In the struggle, de Sequeira is said to have hit de Seixas with a bamboo, whereupon de Seixas\u2019s servant stabbed him with a small lance.<\/span><\/p>\n

[liv]<\/a>\u00a0The Holy House of Mercy, primarily a charity organization, which had brunches all over Portuguese territories.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lv]<\/a>\u00a0ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>15, f.191.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lvi]<\/a>\u00a0 AHU\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa IV. 24.11.1615; AHU\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa VI. 2.11.1618.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lvii]<\/a>\u00a0 C. R. de Silva,\u00a0The Portuguese in Ceylon,<\/em>\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 116.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lviii]<\/a>\u00a0AHU\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa IV. 24.11.1615.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lix]<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0Also called the junta. It was made up of the captain-general, the\u00a0vedor da fazenda<\/em>\u00a0or superintendent of revenue and one other person. Its decisions were subject to confirmation by the king of Portugal.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lx]<\/a>\u00a0AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,<\/em>\u00a01523, f. 3.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxi]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0Ceylon Literary Register,<\/em>\u00a0Third series, Vol. II. p. 536.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxii]<\/a>\u00a0Documentos Remittidos da India ou<\/em>\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a0Lisbon, 1884, Vol. IV. p. 221. The king had requested the viceroy-in-council to choose one of two names.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxiii]<\/a>\u00a0AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,\u00a0<\/em>1523 ff. 4v,6, ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a017, f. 59; 19. f. 70v.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxiv]<\/a>\u00a0Abeysinghe,\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0pp. 182-183.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxv]<\/a>\u00a0Other individuals who stood to lose villages included the Captain-Major-of-the-Field (Dorawaka, Ulapane and Mandamarawita), the\u00a0disava<\/em>\u00a0of the Seven Korales (Talampitiya), and the\u00a0disava\u00a0<\/em>of Sabaragarnuwa (Opanaiyake). The Bishop\u2019s list also included Gampaha, Gilimale, Visinave and the following unidentified villages \u2013 Apuvita, Uramala Kandangora, Cotapeti, Bandaravato, Anabulumtana, Cadangora and Canangora. Jo\u00e3o de Costa Perestello (former Factor) recommended in addition\u00a0 the villages of Weligama, Urubokka, Katuwana, Bambaranda, Maggona-Paiyagala, Walgama, Wewalgamuwa and two other unidentified villages. ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,\u00a0<\/em>16, f. 208; 23, f. 237; 20. f. 205; 24. f. 21; 26. f.333; 28.f.184; 31. f. 259; 45. f. 354; AHU\u00a0op.cit.,<\/em>\u00a0 Caixa VI. (1619);\u00a0Biblioteca Nacional,<\/em>\u00a0Lisbon, Fundo Geral, 1983, ff. 119v 125;\u00a0Boletim de Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, op. cit,<\/em>\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>13a 11\/5; 15, 50\/2-3; 54, 3\/4; 14 117\/1-4.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxvi]<\/a>\u00a0 De Seixas argued that the estimates in the\u00a0tombo<\/em>\u00a0were fair, pointing out that in the last years of King Dharmapala\u2019s reign,\u00a0 Madampe yielded hardly 900\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0a year. On the other hand, it is known to have yielded about 1250\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0to Rajasinha of Sitawaka. In 1628, de Seixas obtained a grant of Chilaw for life. This would have enhanced his private income considerably. AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,<\/em>\u00a01523, ff.3v, 5; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a<\/em>, Tomo 6D p. 381; AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 280. f.15-25; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>16, ff.210v, 371.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxvii]<\/a>\u00a0According to the\u00a0tombo\u00a0<\/em>of 1614 this, after payment of quit rent, amounted to 876\u00a0xerafims,\u00a0<\/em>3\u00a0larins<\/em>\u00a0a year.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxviii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 33.ff.16-17; Abeyasinghe,\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 149.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxix]<\/a>\u00a0 AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 33.ff.16-17.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxx]<\/a>\u00a0The salary of the\u00a0vedor<\/em>\u00a0was 4000\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0a year. The perquisites and fringe benefits came to another 2000\u00a0xerafims<\/em>\u00a0at least. De Seixas\u2019s first tenure in this post roused great opposition and allegations of corruption as is seen from the following extracts of a letter sent to Lisbon,\u00a0\u2018\u2026. nunca convem q o veor\u00a0da fzda\u00a0seja casado em Ceilao por q se he casado ali roubesse mais de 15,000 cruzados ha fazda de V Mgde pa\u00a0elle seus parentes a amigos \u2026 \u2018<\/em>\u00a0(AHU Codice\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>\u00a0 33, f. 22). For evidence on his participation as\u00a0vedor<\/em>\u00a0in decision making at the level of the Captain-General\u2019s council, see\u00a0Portuguese Encounters with Sri Lanka and the Maldives: Translated Texts from the Age of the Discoveries,<\/em>\u00a0ed. C. R. de Silva, Ashgate, 2009, pp. 165-169.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxi]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0<\/em>AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,\u00a0<\/em>1523 f. 3.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxii]<\/a>\u00a0De Seixas had at least two sons, Francisco de Seixas Cabreira and Lan\u00e7<\/em>arote de Seixas Jr., (Ibid.<\/em>; AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 445, f. 4lv).<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxiii]<\/a>\u00a0 See for example his comments on policy towards Kandy,\u00a0\u2018\u2026 Eu lhe ouvi dizer q se Sua Mage\u00a0queria ser Senhor desta ilha q nao convinha aver nella outro Rey ne Sor\u00a0eu digo que n h u home esta seguro q sua casa morando seu inimigo dentro della .. .\u2019<\/em>\u00a0Biblioteca da Ajuda,<\/em>\u00a0Lisbon,\u00a0 51-VIII-40 f.224v.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxiv]<\/a>\u00a0He opposed the grant to the Sinhalese of the right to inherit and bequeath land.\u00a0Ibid,<\/em>\u00a0f.225-225v.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxv]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 10.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxvi]<\/a>\u00a0Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,<\/em>\u00a0Vol. XIX, 56-63;\u00a0 AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,<\/em>\u00a01523, f.3-3v<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxvii]<\/a>\u00a0In 1630 came the Kandyan invasion of the Portuguese territories. This would have led to considerable dislocation.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxviii]<\/a>\u00a0ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>16, f.210v. A rough translation of the passage is as follows: \u2018It is a village that has in it many and more than 6 leagues of the best land there is in Ceylon and has many fields and forests of cinnamon, pineapple, areca, many palms of fruit and other pots in which the people of the land like to sow and other provisions which the people love.\u2019 There is, however,\u00a0 no indication of a spectacular rise in production in Madampe as occurred in neighbouring Munneswaram under the Jesuits.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxix]<\/a>\u00a0The rebellion however did effect the neighbourhood of Madampe. At Kammala, on the southern border of Madampe, the conversions for 1617-1618 were down to 1\/10 their normal figure. At Munneswaram. only 7 people were baptized for the whole year. The ruthless suppression of the rebellion is estimated to have left 7000 Sinhalese dead in the Seven Korales, The total population of the region could not have been much over 50,000 persons.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxx]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>p. 18; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a045. f. 352v. A\u00a0bahar<\/em>\u00a0is about 500 lbs.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxi]<\/a>\u00a0In the\u00a0mahabadda<\/em>\u00a0the highest dues came to about 350 lbs. per land holder. Often the amount due was as little as 1\/5 of this amount. (See P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 64).<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxii]<\/a>\u00a0\u2018\u2026 pela partes de Negumbo tamb<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>\u00a0ha mto\u00a0canela e ha mtos\u00a0servidores q dav\u00e3o erva para as\u00a0<\/em>alefantes do Rey de q tamb<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>\u00a0tinh\u00e3o teRas de q vivem a quem a geral Dom Jrmo\u00a0dazdo\u00a0os\u00a0<\/em>obriga fac\u00e3o canela pois n\u00e3o ha alifantes pera obrigac\u00e3o da erva e tamb<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>\u00a0as cortadares dos\u00a0<\/em>matos e campos tem tras\u00a0de q vivem por isso e pais n\u00e3o ha ao presente tanta necessidade\u00a0<\/em>deste ouvir\u00e3o tamb<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>\u00a0se ocuparem em fazar<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>\u00a0a canela pera elRev ..\u2019 \u00a0<\/em>ANTT\u00a0op. cit., Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a,<\/em>\u00a0Tomo 6D. p. 333. Translation from C. R. de Silva, The First Portuguese Revenue Register of Kotte, 1599,\u00a0op. cit,<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0p. 110-111 : \u2018.. in the parts of Negombo also, there is much cinnamon and there are many bondsmen who give green leaves for the elephants of the King, for which also had lands on which they lived, whom the General Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo obliged to collect cinnamon because there are no elephants for the obligation to supply green leaves and also the woodcutters of the forests and plains who have lands in which they live, because as there is not at present as great a necessity for their work, it is heard that they too are also occupied in making the cinnamon for the King.\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxiii]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris,\u00a0The Ceylon Littoral, 1593, op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>p. 18.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxiv]<\/a>\u00a0On the contemporary Malabar pepper trade see Jan Kieniewicz,The Portuguese Factory and Trade in Pepper in Malabar during the 16th century,\u00a0The Indian Economic and Social History Review,\u00a0<\/em>Vol. VI. No. 1(1969) pp. 61-84, C. R. de Silva, The Portuguese East India Company 1628-1633,\u00a0The Luso-Brazillian Review,<\/em>\u00a0IX (2), Winter 1974, esp. pp. 183-186 and A. R. Disney,\u00a0Twilight of the Pepper Empie: Portuguese Trade in Southwest India in the Early Seventeenth Century,<\/em>\u00a0Harvard University Press, 1978.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxv]<\/a>\u00a0\u2018Nas patentes dos aforam<\/em>\u1ebd<\/em><\/a>tos se pode declarar q semear\u00e3o pimenta sega\u00a0a teRa fore vender\u00e3o por este pre\u00e7o a el Rey ou por mais algua cousa em desconto do foro q ouvere de pagar a sua Mge\u00a0por se teRa que dava mta\u00a0pimento \u2026\u2019\u00a0<\/em>ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Manuscritos de Convento de Gra\u00e7a,\u00a0<\/em>Tomo 6D, p. 331. Translation: \u2018The documents of leasing should declare that the pepper cultivated on the land should be sold at this price to the King, or for a little more, in discount of the rent which they have to pay your Majesty, because this land yiels much pepper. . .\u2019 from C. R. de Silva, The First Portuguese Revenue Register of Kotte, 1599,\u00a0op. cit,<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0p. 108.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxvi]<\/a>\u00a0P. E. Pieris, Kiraveli Pattuva 1614,\u00a0Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,<\/em>\u00a0XXXVI p. 141;\u00a0Documentos Remittidos da India ou<\/em>\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a0Lisbon, 1884, Vol. II, pp.155-156; Abeysinghe,\u00a0op. cit.,\u00a0<\/em>p. 123; P. da Trinidade,\u00a0Conquista Espiritual do Oriente,<\/em>\u00a0Lisboa, 1965. Vol. II p. 20.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxvii]<\/a>\u00a0AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa IV. 20.11.1615; ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a022, f. 87v; Fern\u00e3o de Queyroz,\u00a0The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon,<\/em>\u00a0trans. S. G. Perera, Colombo, 1930, p. 1088.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxviii]<\/a>\u00a0AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa 31, f. 91.\u00a0Culle\u00a0<\/em>= coolv or labourer,\u00a0lascarin\u00a0<\/em>= native soldier,\u00a0mayora<\/em>l = headman,\u00a0senhor\u00a0<\/em>= village holder.<\/span><\/p>\n

[lxxxix]<\/a>\u00a0 AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 280, ff.15-25.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xc]<\/a>\u00a0On Portuguese policy in relation to arecanut see, Abeysinghe op. cit, pp. 154-159; C. R. de Silva,\u00a0The Portuguese in Ceylon,<\/em>\u00a0op.cit.,\u00a0<\/em>pp. 207-211. This policy proved to be extremely burdensome to the peasant.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xci]<\/a>\u00a0 For example, in respect of coconut cultivation.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xcii]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0AGS\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0\u00a0Secretarias Provinciales,<\/em>\u00a01523, f. 3.The above does not necessarily imply a contented populace. There is reason to believe that when the Kandyans invaded the lowlands in 1630, Madampe also joined in the revolt against the Portuguese.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xciii]<\/a>\u00a0 ANTT\u00a0op. cit.<\/em>,\u00a0Livros das Mon\u00e7oes,<\/em>\u00a028, f. 274; AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Caixa XII. 6.12.1635.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xciv]<\/a>\u00a0AHU\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0Codice 35, f. 40v.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xcv]<\/a>\u00a0Queyroz\u00a0op. cit.,<\/em>\u00a0p. 719;\u00a0Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register,\u00a0<\/em>Vol. 11. pp, 72,\u00a0 86.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xcvi]<\/a>\u00a0Archivo Portuguese Oriental,<\/em>\u00a0J. H. Da Cunha Rivara, Nova Goa, 1862, Tomo IV. Vol. 2. Part I. p. 365.<\/span><\/p>\n

[xcvii]<\/a>\u00a0 Robrecht Boudens,\u00a0The Catholic Church in Ceylon under Dutch Rule,<\/em>\u00a0Rome, 1957, p. 5<\/span>1.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Lan\u00e7arote de Seixas and Madampe: A Portuguese Casado[i] in a Sinhalese Village–by Michael Roberts Source:Thuppahis Chandra R. De Silva,\u00a0refereed article originally pubd in\u00a0Modern Ceylon Studies,\u00a0Vol II\/1, 1970, pp. 18-34. At the end of the sixteenth century[ii]\u00a0when the Portuguese came into possession of the south-western sea-board, Madampe proper, was a sizeable village inhabited by about a […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":120748,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"aside","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,42710],"tags":[55280,55281,55279,28549],"class_list":{"0":"post-120747","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-aside","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-articles","8":"category-michael-roberts","9":"tag-biblioteca-nacional","10":"tag-economic-and-social-conditions","11":"tag-taniyavalla-devalaya","12":"tag-university-of-peradeniya","13":"post_format-post-format-aside"},"yoast_head":"\nLan\u00e7arote de Seixas and Madampe: A Portuguese Casado[i] in a Sinhalese Village-by Michael Roberts<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Chandra R. 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