{"id":127672,"date":"2023-12-31T17:24:36","date_gmt":"2023-12-31T17:24:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/?p=127672"},"modified":"2023-12-31T17:25:08","modified_gmt":"2023-12-31T17:25:08","slug":"people-inbetween-ethnic-class-prejudices-in-british-ceylon-by-michael-roberts-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/people-inbetween-ethnic-class-prejudices-in-british-ceylon-by-michael-roberts-2\/","title":{"rendered":"People Inbetween: Ethnic & Class Prejudices in British Ceylon-by Michael Roberts"},"content":{"rendered":"

People Inbetween: Ethnic & Class Prejudices in British Ceylon-by Michael Roberts<\/span><\/span><\/h2>\n

\"Michael<\/p>\n

Source:<\/span><\/strong>Thuppahis<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Michael Roberts\u00a0\u2026. presenting a talk which he delivered at the National Trust in Colombo<\/strong>\u00a0in June 2018\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0following a brief to the effect that he should\u00a0<\/strong>present motifs from the book\u00a0People Inbetween. The Burghers and the Middle Class in the Transformations within Sri Lanka, 1790-1960s<\/em>,<\/strong>\u00a0(Ratmalana, Sarvodaya Book Publishing Services, 1989)\u00a0and more specifically its first chapter viz. \u201cPejorative Phrases: The Anti-colonial Response and Sinhala Perceptions of the Self through Images of the Burghers.<\/strong>\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

Many think\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>\u00a0is a history of the Burghers. Not so. It is multi-faceted. It describes (a) the rise of the middle class in British times, an influential force within which the Burghers were a critical element and a vanguard in the questioning of British rule; (b) the initial strands in the development of Ceylonese nationalism and (c)\u00a0the development of Colombo into a metropolitan hub that became the island\u2019s hegemonic centre.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The latter theme, namely, the emphasis on Colombo\u2019s centricity, is often forgotten or missed in commentary on the book. That is why I have presented [and emphasize once again here] three illustrations from the many appendages in the book that provide a glimpse of this centrality, namely, a map of the internal migration to Colombo locality seen in the 1971 census and a distilled table showing the distribution of tenement owners in the municipal area of the city as it was constituted in 1868 (merely a tithe of the data in the book).\u00a0See Figures 1, 2 and 3 here. 3 4 5<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The economic and political domination of the island that reposed in Colombo was\u00a0compounded by the fact that it was the symbolic centre of cultural fashion<\/strong>\u00a0(e. g. in the style of architecture for mansions) and the island\u2019s ideological command post, both facets that were exercised in part through the considerable influence of English-media newspapers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Since the Burghers were seven per cent of the city\u2019s population even as late as 1911 and a powerful component in the middle class in the decades leading up to that point, one can see why they figure so prominently in the explorations within\u00a0People<\/em>\u00a0Inbetween<\/em>.\u00a0The rise of the local middle class interlaced with capitalist modernization in the 19th century-and-thereafter, with the British road\/rail transport network and the expansion of coffee plantations in the Central Highlands forming the keystones for economic growth and exploitation.<\/strong>\u00a0The British also instituted a new bureaucratic order, one integral to the state form that was being moulded in Europe at the same stage. English was the media of state administration. Able to pick up English quickly and located in key urban centres, the small Burgher population profited from the channels of educational advancement[6] that opened up in the 19th century and filled intermediary roles in the administration,\u00a0while also providing a significant number of schoolteachers in towns<\/strong>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Education brought the intellectual currents of Europe to the small corpus constituted by the English proficient middle class in the early-mid 19th century. A few Burghers (Charles Ambrose Lorenz, George and Frederick Nell, John Prins and Charles Ferdinands) got together and\u00a0launched an erudite literary magazine called<\/strong>\u00a0Young Ceylon<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0in 1850-52<\/strong>\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a display of burgeoning talent and an outstanding testimony to the influence within this circle of the Romantic Movement in Europe<\/strong>.\u00a0See Figures 4 and 5. 7<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The political edge motivating these men was more explicit in the anonymous work by \u201cHenry Candidus\u201d (probably Lorenz) published in 1853 and thereafter in the marshalling of effort in 1859 to purchase an English newspaper \u2013 the\u00a0Ceylon Examiner\u00a0\u2013<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0so as to provide a critical voice directed towards keeping the (autocratic) colonial government on its toes.\u00a0See Figure 6.<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

the team directing The\u00a0 EXAMINER newspaper<\/strong><\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

Note the opening lines in Candidus\u2019s \u201cPreface\u201d: \u201cThe educated amongst the Natives (including Burghers) are far from being satisfied with the government under which they live. \u2026. They feel in many respects that England in many respects is wanting in her duty to them. If there is one thing more than another which Young India and Young Ceylon laments, it is the absence of Patriotism and the existence of utter indifference to freedom among their countrymen.\u201d[1]\u00a0<\/strong>Such strands of activity and the initial, muted challenges[2]\u00a0<\/strong>directed at the British belief in their racial superiority are among the details pursued in the body of the book. At the same time, however, the underlying context in which such threads of development occurred is set out in the first chapter, namely, \u201cPejorative Phrases.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

This chapter explores and elaborates upon (1) the complex threads of class differentiation within the ethnic groups that constituted Ceylon\u2019s social order and (2) the lines of ethnic 8 differentiation that persisted at the same time.\u00a0Disparaging epithets are the chief medium for these explorations.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The Britons in Ceylon were stratified. The gentry-class made up of the Civil Servants and other public servants, the leading businessmen and planters kept aloof from the petty functionaries such as the shop assistants (called \u201cshoppies\u201d) at places in Cargills and the railway drivers. The Burghers themselves were sharply divided in the 19th century \u2014 with the differentiation being imprinted in the terminology \u201cfront door Burghers\u201d and \u201cback door Burghers.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Both in English and Sinhalese this line of class difference was embodied in the distinction between the respectable \u201cLansi\u201d and, supposedly, the not-so-respectable \u201cTupass.\u201d The latter term\u00a0Tupass<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0(also written as Topaz) was a carry-over from the period of Dutch rule, where the racially conscious Dutch gentry had adopted a term emanating from the sea lanes of the preceding Portuguese Empire in the Indian Ocean, namely, Topaz and Tupass \u2013 used to delineate Native Christians and others who were go-betweens as well as the progeny of mixed marriages\/liaisons[3]<\/strong>\u00a0\u2014\u00a0to differentiate the Portuguese descendants in the Maritime Provinces from the Dutch ruling classes<\/strong>.<\/span><\/p>\n

This differentiation was further underlined by the use of the Dutch epithet\u00a0kakkerlak<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0to disparage these people, people who were usually darker-skinned.[4]<\/strong>\u00a0In time, however, that very epithet, translated into Sinhala as\u00a0k\u00e4rapott\u0101<\/em>\u00a0(or\u00a0k\u00e4rapothth\u0101<\/em>), became widely used over the British period in English argot as well as Sinhala badinage to depict all Burghers.<\/strong>\u00a0This usage is clarified in\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>\u00a0through ethnographic explorations as well as documentary illustrations which pinpoint the mix of banter and abuse in the incidents and contexts of usage.<\/span><\/p>\n

So, this specific theme is also a tale of poetic justice insofar as racial prejudice enveloped the original Dutch wielders of prejudice in their own coinage. The use of\u00a0k\u00e4rapotta<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0and\u00a0k\u00e4rapotu lansi<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0as pejoratives is placed alongside a\u00a0whole battery of epithets in the Sinhala-world which depicted the invading forces from Europe and abroad from the sixteenth century onwards:<\/strong>\u00a0notably, parangi5 and tuppahi<\/strong>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Such terminology was accentuated when a speaker\/writer added the inflection y\u0101 to constitute the epithets as\u00a0tuppahiy\u0101<\/em>,\u00a0k\u00e4rapotu lansiy\u0101<\/em>\u00a0or\u00a0lansiy\u0101\u00a0<\/em>\u2026\u2026 or worse still as\u00a0para lansiy\u0101<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0(low and alien Burgher). In effect, such terminology placed the European peoples and their progeny outside the valued native dispensation of the Sinhalese.<\/span><\/p>\n

This was a reading of the European imperial impact rooted in the war poems of the Portuguese period<\/strong>\u00a0(but also embodied in the\u00a0Ingr\u012bsi Hatana<\/em>\u00a0<\/strong>describing the war of the people of S\u012bhal\u01136 against the invading 9 English armies in 1803).7 Thus,\u00a0the stock of epithets lead us to a distilled understanding of Sinhalese nationalism in the British period, a form of nativism that embodied a cultural bedrock at the same time that it served as an expressive weapon of the downtrodden.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

It was a weapon of the underprivileged (Sinhala) classes because it was also a response to the widespread tendency among the emerging middle classes in British Ceylon, whether Sinhala, Burgher or other, to depict the rural masses as\u00a0yakoes\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0goday\u0101s\u00a0<\/em>(that is, rustics without knowledge \u2013 meaning English-media knowledge).\u00a0Thus, the abusive terms\u00a0para lansiy\u0101<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0thuppahiy\u0101\u00a0<\/em>cannot be comprehended without attention to such terms as\u00a0goday\u0101\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0yako.<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The former were\u00a0counter thrusts.<\/strong>\u00a0Figures 7 and 8 present the charts deployed in\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>\u00a0to depict these counter-thrusts constituted by two interlacing strands, those of Sinhalese indigenism and Sinhalese nationalism. The two charts, in fact, serve as a distillation of the theses in my first chapter \u201cPejorative Phrases.\u201d\u00a010 11 12<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\"elanka\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The fuller comprehension of these charts, however, demands close attention to the detailed clarification\u00a0of the strands of Sinhala nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th century within that chapter.<\/strong>\u00a0These strands were also multi-faceted. One major thread was the movement for the rejuvenation of Buddhism in the face of Christian missionary proselytization-cum-denigration.8 Another was the fight to prevent the cultural degeneration of the Sinhala people in the face of Western lifeways \u2013 in brief the attack on Westernization.<\/span><\/p>\n

Though the influence of Anagarika Dharmapala must feature in any account of these inter-related strands, in \u201cPejorative Phrases,\u201d\u00a0the principal medium for a comprehension of this corpus of thinking is the work of Piyadasa Sirisena<\/strong>\u00a0(featured in Figure 9). Sirisena (1875-1946) was not a simple traditionalist: he was a pioneer in popularizing a new feature, the romantic love story in Sinhala novel, a new medium catering, as Sarath Amunugama has shown (1979), to the emerging lower-middle classes and bourgeoisie.\u00a013 14<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cPejorative Phrases\u201d dissects Sirisena\u2019s first three novels in particular, namely,\u00a0Jayatissa saha Roslin\u00a0<\/em>(1906),\u00a0Maha Viyavula<\/em>\u00a0(1909) and\u00a0Apata Vecca De<\/em>\u00a0(1909). Note that\u00a0Jayatissa saha Roslin<\/em>\u00a0had been reprinted as a fifth edition by 1916. Indeed, it was claimed that 25,000 copies had been sold up to that date. Moreover, his novels were regularly reprinted by his son or the firm of MD Gunasena & Co right through into the 1960s.<\/span><\/p>\n

A typical plot in Sirisena\u2019s novel sees a Sinhalese lad or girl misled by a Burgher girl or man, losing contact with parental home and ending up dissolute and poor, sometimes in the occupation\u00a0sapaththu-k\u0101ra<\/em>, that is, as shoemaker, a most despicable trade in the caste-thinking of the Indian subcontinent.\u00a0Sirisena\u2019s literature seeks to protect four concepts<\/strong>: the\u00a0j\u0101tiya\u00a0<\/em>(race, nation);\u00a0\u0101gama<\/em>\u00a0or\u00a0gunadharma\u00a0<\/em>(religion, virtues),\u00a0sirit virit<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0kulaya\u00a0<\/em>(traditional practices inclusive of caste distinctions) and\u00a0bh\u0101shava<\/em>\u00a0(language).[9]<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Thus,\u00a0among the several motifs his novels present the following equation: mixed bloods (samkara<\/em>) = unclean (apirisidu, n\u012bca<\/em>) =\u00a0unstable and fickle (chapala<\/em><\/strong>).\u00a0In opposition, to be Arya Sinhala was to be pure and the epitome of virtue, stability and order. Here, then, in Sirisena\u2019 thinking one finds the imprint of the either\/or epistemology etched into Western thought with its sharp, racialized distinctions between \u201cAryan\u201d and \u201cDravidian\u201d or White distinct from Black. But,\u00a0here in British Ceylon<\/strong>, such racialized differentiation was also mapped unto caste. That is,\u00a0the indigenous caste ideology was meshed with racial differentiation.\u00a0This was a deadly cocktail<\/strong>.\u00a0As noted in \u201cPejorative Phrases\u201d (1989: 19), \u201cit is not [the argument] that when a non-Burgher speaker uses one of these [epithets] in abusive intent, he\/she is necessarily bringing in all the associations into focus. It is sufficient that we point to the cultural logic and the principles which order the use of such terms of disparagement. \u2026\u00a0The Burghers stood for defiling impurity, for disorder. They were, therefore,\u00a0samkara, para, thuppahi, pahat, n\u012bca, vanacara, g\u00e4ttara and nosandala<\/em><\/strong>\u201d (1989: 19).<\/span><\/p>\n

The impact of such lines of thought was all the more profound because Sirisena was also a political activist. For one, he edited the\u00a0Sarasavi Sandar\u00e4sa<\/em>\u00a0for quite some time. For another, he was an activist in the temperance movement and participated as an outreach campaigner for the Central Total Abstinence Society during that association\u2019s protest activities in the period 1912-15. He was a member of the Ceylon National Congress and was tasked with moving the resolution in September 1919 which gave the Lanka Mahajana Sabh\u0101 its name (Roberts 1994b: 307).<\/span><\/p>\n

The latter, significantly, was an instrument sponsored by F. R. Senanayake. It is likely that Sirisena\u2019s activism extended into the 15 endeavours of the All-Ceylon Village Committees of the 1920s and even possibly that of the Sinhala Maha Sabh\u0101 from 1936, but that is uncharted territory.<\/span><\/p>\n

A fuller comprehension of the probable interplay between different generations of Sinhala-speaking activists stretching from the 1880s to the 1950s can be gleaned from the data presented in my article \u201cThe 1956 generations: after and before\u201d (Roberts 1994). Our living generations today have enough older cohorts who can attest to the power of the motifs identified in \u201cPejorative Phrases\u201d in the electoral politics of the 1940s to 1960s. In 1956 in particular the epithet\u00a0thuppahi<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0was a powerful weapon in the demagogic speeches mounted by the rhetoricians of the Mahajana Eksat Peramuna, notably Professor W. S. Karunaratne, Philip Gunawardena and L. H. Mett\u0101nanda, during the election campaign that brought this coalition to power in 1956.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThuppahi<\/em><\/strong>\u201d\u00a0at this stage embraced all the Westernized elements in Sri Lanka, whether Burgher, Sinhala, Tamil or Colombo Chetty<\/strong>.\u00a0As\u00a0thuppahi,<\/em>\u00a0they were\u00a0parad\u0113sakk\u0113ra,<\/em>\u00a0natives who had become alien \u2013 deserving the trampling act directed against\u00a0k\u00e4rapottu<\/em>.\u00a0Epithet and lampoon are powerful political tools.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Underlying all this then is a semantic structure that pits Insider against Outsider (Chart Two presented here as Figure 8). This is a basic coding system in the caste dispensation of South Asia.\u00a0In Sri Lanka it appears to have been turned into a vessel of ethnic essentialism as denoted in the term \u201ca-sinhala<\/em>\u201d or unSinhala<\/strong>\u00a0(literally outside Sinhala).[10]\u00a0<\/strong>In this subterranean coding the thinking mapped unto a segmentary structure in Sinhala-linguistic forms which enabled native-speakers to deploy the term\u00a0pita minissu\u00a0<\/em><\/strong>in a series of concentric meanings that worked like a Chinese-box.[11]<\/strong>\u00a0Given such modalities of thought, it was feasible for a Sinhala nativist to value the Sinhalese of the\u00a0rata<\/em>\u00a0(interior) as superior to those of the\u00a0tota\u00a0<\/em>(port) because the latter had become Westernized and\/or mixed \u2013 and thus mixed up and\u00a0apirisidu.<\/em>\u00a0Roslin was a suitable love-match for Jayatissa because she was rata not tota (Roberts et al,\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>, 1989: 19-20). So, in this argument in \u201cPejorative Phrases,\u201d the pattern etched in Figure 7 (Chart One) interlaces with, and supports, those embodied in Figure 8 (Chart Two). This is thinking reposing below the surface, working insidiously and yet powerfully. Amen.<\/span><\/p>\n

BIBLIOGRAPHY<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Amunugama, Sarath<\/strong>\u00a01979 \u201cIdeology and class interest in one of Piyadasa Sirisena\u2019s novels: the new image of the \u201cSinhala Buddhist\u201d nationalist,\u201d in M Roberts (ed.) Collective identities, nationalisms and protest in modern Sri Lanka, Colombo:: Marga Institute, pp. 314-36<\/span><\/p>\n

Barnett, L. D.<\/strong>\u00a01916 \u201cAlphabetical guide to Sinhalese folklore from ballad sources,\u201d\u00a0Indian Antiquary<\/em>\u00a045: 1-116.<\/span><\/p>\n

Evans-Pritchard, E E.<\/strong>\u00a01940 The Nuer. A description of the modes of livelihood and political Institutions of a Nilotic People. Oxford: Clarendon Press.<\/span><\/p>\n

De Silva, C. R.<\/strong>\u00a01983 \u201cThe historiography of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka. A survey of the Sinhala writings,\u201d\u00a0Samskrti<\/em>\u00a017: 13-22.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dewaraja, Lorna S<\/strong>\u00a01988 The Kandyan Kingdom of Sri Lanka, 1707-1792, Colombo: Lake House Investments Ltd.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dharmadasa<\/strong>, K. N. O. 1978 \u201cThe ideological pinnacle of Sinhalese language nationalism, Part I: Cumaranatunga and the Hela Identity,\u201d Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies 8: 1-16.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dharmapala, Anagarika<\/strong>\u00a01965 Return to righteousness, (ed. by A Guruge) Colombo: Ministry of Education & Cultural Affairs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Foenander<\/strong>, S. P. 1924 Sixty years of Ceylon cricket. Colombo: The cEylon advertsisng & General Publicity Co.<\/span><\/p>\n

Godakumbura, C E<\/strong>\u00a01955 Sinhalese literature, Colombo: Colombo Apothecaries\u2019 Co. Ltd.<\/span><\/p>\n

Henry Candidus<\/strong>\u00a01998 \u201cA desultory conversation between two young aristocratic Ceylonese,\u201d in Michael Roberts (ed.) Sri Lanka. Collective Identities Revisited, Vol. II. Colombo, Marga, 1998, pp. 1-2. Originally printed in 1853.<\/span><\/p>\n

Malalgoda<\/strong>,\u00a0Kitsiri\u00a0<\/strong>1973 \u201cThe Buddhist-Christian confrontation in Ceylon, 1800-1880,\u201d\u00a0Social Compass<\/em>, XX: 171-200.<\/span><\/p>\n

Malalgoda, Kitsiri<\/strong>\u00a01976 Buddhism in Sinhalese society, 1750-1900, Berkeley, University of California Press.<\/span><\/p>\n

Obeyesekere, Gananath<\/strong>\u00a01979 \u201cThe vicissitudes of the Sinhala-Buddhist identity through time and change,\u201d in M Roberts (ed.) Collective identities, nationalisms and protest in modern Sri Lanka, Colombo: Marga Institute, pp. 279-313.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pieris, Paul E<\/strong>. 1949-50 Sinhale and the patriots, 1815-1818, Colombo: Colombo Apothecaries\u2019 Co. Ltd.<\/span><\/p>\n

Police Inquiry Commission<\/strong>\u00a01916 \u201cReport of a Commission appointed by H.E. the Governor to inquire into the organization of the police.,\u201d being\u00a0Sessional Paper XVI of 1916<\/em><\/strong>, Colombo: Government Printers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01972 \u201cVariations on the theme of resistance movements: The Kandyan rebellion of 1817-18 and latter-day nationalisms in Ceylon,\u201d\u00a0Ceylon Studies Seminar,<\/em>\u00a01970-71 series, No. 10, 5 October 1971. 17<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01979a \u201cMeanderings in the pathways of collective identity and nationalism,\u201d in M Roberts (ed.) Collective identities, nationalisms and protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Colombo: Marga Institute, pp. 1-96.<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01979b \u2018Elite formation and elites, 1832-1931\u2032, in M Roberts (ed.) Collective identities, nationalisms and protest in Modern Sri Lanka, Colombo: Marga Institute, pp. 153-213.\u00a0Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01989a \u201cA tale of resistance: the story of the arrival of the Portuguese in Sri Lanka,\u201d Ethnos 55: 69-82.<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01989b \u201cThe political antecedents of the revivalist elite within the MEP coalition of 1956,\u201d in C R de Silva and Sirima Kiribamune (eds) K. W. Goonewardena Felicitation Volume, Peradeniya University, pp. 185-220.<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01994 \u201cMentalities: ideologues, assailants, historians and the pogrom against the Moors in 1915,\u201d in Roberts, Exploring Confrontation, chapter 8, pp. 183-212 \u2013 also reprinted in Confrontations in Sri Lanka, Colombo, Yapa, 2010.<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael<\/strong>\u00a01994 \u201cThe 1956 generations: after and before,\u201d in Roberts, Exploring Confrontation, chapter 12, pp. 297-314 (originally presented as the GC Mendis Memorial Lecture, 1981).<\/span><\/p>\n

Roberts, Michael, Raheem, Ismeth and Colin-Thome, Percy<\/strong>\u00a01989 People inbetween, Vol. I, The Burghers and the middle class in the transformations within Sri Lanka, 1790s-1960s, Ratmalana: Sarvodaya Book Publishing Services.<\/span><\/p>\n

Suraweera, A. V.<\/strong>\u00a01965\u00a0Alak\u0113svara yuddhaya<\/em>, Colombo: Ratna Pot Prakasakayo.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tennekoon, Serena<\/strong>\u00a01990 \u201cNewspaper nationalism: Sinhala identity as historical discourse,\u201d in J Spencer (ed.) Sri Lanka. History and the roots of conflict, London: Routledge, pp. 205-26.<\/span><\/p>\n

Wickremeratne, L A<\/strong>\u00a01969 \u201cReligion, nationalism and social change in Ceylon, 1865-1885,\u201d\u00a0Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, GB & I<\/em>, LVI: 123-50.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0 \u00a0 ***** ****<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

END NOTES<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

1\u00a0<\/strong>Henry Candidus, \u201cA Desultory Conversation between Two Aristocratic Ceylonese,\u201d in Michael Roberts,\u00a0Collective Identities Revisited,<\/em>\u00a0Vol II, Colombo, Marga, 1998, pp.1-2<\/span><\/p>\n

2\u00a0<\/strong>One arena of challenge was the sports field, both at athletic gymkhanas and at cricket. Thus, in May 1887 the local Ceylonese took on the local \u035eEuropeans in a \u201cTest Match\u201d at cricket (which the Europeans won). This became an annual encounter. In 1887, significantly, the eleven players representing the Ceylonese were all Burghers, mostly from the Colts Cricket Club located in one of the Burgher heartlands, namely the Pettah. See S. P. Foenander,\u00a0Sixty Years of\u00a0<\/em>Ceylon Cricket<\/em>, Colombo, 1924, pp. 158 & 167 and Roberts et al,\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>, 1989, pp. 121-22.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a03<\/strong>\u00a0See Yule & Burnell,\u00a0Hobson-Jobson<\/em>, 1886 and Roberts et al,\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>, 1989, pp. 7, 8, 17-18, 35-43, 48- 49, 140-47, 199-200, 212. 18<\/span><\/p>\n

4\u00a0<\/strong>Roberts et al,\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>, 1989, pp. 8, 41.<\/span><\/p>\n

5<\/strong>\u00a0Parangi\u00a0<\/em>referred to the Portuguese; but was also a term utilized to describe a syphilitic disease, one that some Sinhalese understood to be a suffering introduced by the Portuguese and\/or foreigners.<\/span><\/p>\n

6\u00a0<\/strong>This term\u00a0S\u012bhal\u0113<\/em>\u00a0is the proper designation for what we refer to nowadays, following British usage, as the \u035eKi\u0176gdo\u0175 of Ka\u0176d\u01c7.\u035f I\u0176 \u0175ost \u0110o\u0176te\u01c6ts of usage i\u0176 the \u0175edie\u01c0al a\u0176d a\u0176\u0110ie\u0176t periods S\u012bhal\u0113 (and its synonyms) denoted the whole island, the practice being sustained by the fact that the Dutch accepted their designation of \u010fei\u0176g His Majest\u01c7\u2019s guardia\u0176s of the \u0110oast. This \u0175a\u01c7 see\u0175 to us a fi\u0110tio\u0176. But that is to i\u0175pose a \u03ee\u03edst \u0110e\u0176tur\u01c7 perspe\u0110ti\u01c0e a\u0176d a failure to grasp the state for\u0175 of \u035etri\u010futar\u01c7 o\u01c0erlordship\u035f (Ro\u010ferts, \u03ee\u03ec\u03ec\u03f0: \u03f1\u03f5-63, 70, 75-84, 86- 87, 123-24). Note that there other synonyms for\u00a0S\u012bhal\u0113<\/em>:\u00a0S\u012bhalaya, Tunsinhalaya, Heladiv<\/em>, et cetera. The concept and practice of\u00a0solosmasth\u0101na\u00a0<\/em>also sustained the all-island perspective enshrined in this nomenclature.<\/span><\/p>\n

7\u00a0<\/strong>In\u00a0People Inbetween<\/em>\u00a0this aspect is only touched on briefly \u2013 using CR de Silva\u2019s short article. However, a considerable clarification is provided in chapter 6 of Roberts,\u00a0Sinhala Consciousness<\/em>\u00a0(2004) on the basis of a detailed study of the war poems (hatan kavi)<\/em>\u00a0with the aid of such specialists as Ananda Wakkumbura, Paul E. Pieris, Sandadas Coperahewa, PB Meegaskumbura, Srinath Ganewatte and KBA Edmund.<\/span><\/p>\n

8\u00a0<\/strong>See Malalgoda 1973 &1976 and Wickremeratne 1969.<\/span><\/p>\n

9\u00a0<\/strong>The influence of the model of the triple gem\u2019 is such that \u201cSirisena usually presented these four motifs in clusters of three \u2013 with one dropped.<\/span><\/p>\n

10\u00a0<\/strong>See Cyril Mathew, Sinhalay\u0101g\u0113 Adisi Satur\u0101, Galle, 1970 and Roberts et al, People Inbetween, 1989, 19-21.<\/span><\/p>\n

11<\/strong>\u00a0The segmentary structure is clarified in fuller fashion in Roberts,\u00a0Sinhala Consciousness<\/em>, 2004: 17, 30-33, 136ff. Also see E.E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer, 1940. It is clarified in a lucid and simple manner in the Bedouin saying<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

People Inbetween: Ethnic & Class Prejudices in British Ceylon-by Michael Roberts Source:Thuppahis Michael Roberts\u00a0\u2026. presenting a talk which he delivered at the National Trust in Colombo\u00a0in June 2018\u00a0\u00a0following a brief to the effect that he should\u00a0present motifs from the book\u00a0People Inbetween. The Burghers and the Middle Class in the Transformations within Sri Lanka, 1790-1960s,\u00a0(Ratmalana, Sarvodaya […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":88737,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"aside","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,42710],"tags":[59259,29441,59258],"class_list":{"0":"post-127672","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-aside","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-articles","8":"category-michael-roberts","9":"tag-alakesvara-yuddhaya","10":"tag-michael-roberts","11":"tag-sandadas-coperahewa","12":"post_format-post-format-aside"},"yoast_head":"\nPeople Inbetween: Ethnic & Class Prejudices in British Ceylon-by Michael Roberts<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Michael Roberts\u00a0\u2026. presenting a talk which he delivered at the National Trust in Colombo\u00a0in June 2018\u00a0\u00a0following a brief\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, 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