{"id":65471,"date":"2021-05-27T09:42:51","date_gmt":"2021-05-27T09:42:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/?p=65471"},"modified":"2021-05-27T09:42:51","modified_gmt":"2021-05-27T09:42:51","slug":"race-and-racism-by-prof-charles-sarvan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/websitedesigns.com.au\/elankanew\/race-and-racism-by-prof-charles-sarvan\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018Race\u2019 and racism-By Prof. Charles Sarvan"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u2018Race\u2019 and racism-By Prof. Charles Sarvan<\/span><\/span><\/h1>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Source:<\/span><\/strong>Island<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

The following is an abridged version of a longer essay: \u201cessay\u201d in the earlier meaning of \u201cto attempt\u201d. Argument generates the heat of emotion but rarely the light of understanding \u2013 I attempt merely to share some perspectives on race and racism.<\/span><\/p>\n

The signifier \u201cunicorn\u201d refers to a non-existent animal. Similarly, \u201crace\u201d seems to be a signifier without a signified. But we are loose in our use of language. We speak of colonialism and colonies in instances where it was imperialism and imperial territories. We talk of \u201cblack\u201d (non-white) and \u201cwhite\u201d people though there are neither \u201cwhite\u201d nor \u201cblack\u201d people. The paper on which we write is white but not the people classified as \u201cwhite\u201d: Jeffrey Boakye (\u2018Black Listed\u2019) offers \u201cpinkish beige\u201d. But the dominant West has chosen \u201cwhite\u201d (associated with cleanliness and purity), and the rest of the world has followed suit through docility or simple laziness. Besides, we have a penchant for sharp dichotomy: the guilty and the innocent, good and bad, etc. Shades in between, nuance and complexity, are mentally taxing and troubling. \u201cThe first problem with being black is that it is literally not accurate.\u201d No matter how dark my skin is, it is not black (Boakye). Often in the Western press \u201crace\u201d means a non-white skin-pigmentation. In an article written many years ago, I suggested, somewhat tongue-in-cheek, that a certain kind of racism be more precisely termed \u201cColourism\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

It\u2019s argued that prior to the 1600s and the enslavement of Africans, white people did not see themselves as belonging to a \u2018race\u2019. In simple terms, the slaves weren\u2019t Christian and, therefore, could be enslaved. But, as the slaves became Christian, another justification was needed, and it was found in whiteness. But language is conventional rather than individual, so though I am careful to distinguish between colonialism and imperialism; though I refer to the autochthonous as \u201cNative Americans\u201d and not as \u201cIndians\u201d, I find myself writing of \u201cblack\u201d and \u201cwhite\u201d people; sometimes, of \u201cpeople of colour\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Human race<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Those who believe in race are unable to agree on the number of races presently existing: it ranges from one (the human race) to about seventy. Shlomo Sand, Professor of History at Tel Aviv University in his\u00a0The Invention of the Jewish People<\/i>, first published in Hebrew for a Jewish readership (see, Sarvan, \u2018Groundviews\u2019, 07 March 2013), states that there is no biological basis for Jewishness, and that belief in a Jewish race is nothing but \u201cracist pseudoscience\u201d. Race is a social myth and not a scientific fact but \u201cZionist pedagogy produced generations who believed wholeheartedly in the ethnic uniqueness of their nation\u201d. Another work by Professor Sand has the provocative title, \u2018How I Stopped Being a Jew\u2019. Opposition to Zionist policy and practice, particularly against the Palestinians, is deliberately and incorrectly besmirched as racism, more precisely, as anti-Semitism. But there is no Semitic race (Sand). What prevails is but ethno-religious nationalism. Israel today is made ugly by \u201cbrutal racism\u201d and a crying failure to take others into consideration (Sand). Israel defines itself as a Jewish state but is unable to define who a Jew is: there is no Jewish DNA (Sand). Professor Sand asserts that he can\u2019t be free unless others are also free. \u201cMy own place is among those who try to discern and root out, or at least reduce, the excessive injustices of the here-and-now\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ethnicity<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Yet another synonym suggested for discredited \u2018race\u2019 is \u2018ethnicity\u2019. However, the latter term can testify to the resilience and mutability of racism, and the disguises it can adopt. Ethnicity is an aspect of relations between groups where at least one party sees itself as being culturally distinctive, if not unique. This sense of difference influences the perception and treatment of others. Though there are similarities and differences, the former are glossed over, and much made of difference. However, the boundary delimited by one cultural criterion \u2013 system of government, language, religion, social customs and practices \u2013 does not coincide with those established by other criteria. In short, \u201cethnicity\u201d may be a Trojan horse bringing back disgraced racism. Ethnicity is a term to be used after careful thought. The term culture can now denote something essential, now something acquired; now something bounded, now something without boundaries; now something experienced, now something ascribed. Race as culture is only biological race in polite language.<\/span><\/p>\n

Finally, it\u2019s a matter of defining terms and clarifying concepts. Take for example, the word \u201cpeace\u201d: Is it peace for the conquerors only? Is peace merely the negative absence of overt war or the positive presence of harmony for all citizens which, in turn, is the product of elements such as justice and a sense of security? (Justice cannot be equated with Law because there can be unjust, discriminatory, laws.)<\/span><\/p>\n

Nationalism<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

As with ethnicity, so it is with nationalism. It has been said that a patriot is one who loves his own while a nationalist hates all others. \u2018Nationalist\u2019 can be but a euphemism for \u2018racist\u2019: some nationalists claim that only members of their group constitute the real and authentic nation. Racists reject a nationality based on citizenship. Some Sri Lankans living abroad claim, often receive and enjoy, legal nationality but vehemently and violently deny it to other groups in Sri Lanka: there, they affirm, nationality is based not on citizenship but on \u2018race\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

Though race does not exist, racism certainly does \u2013 and flourishes. Race is not the father of racism but its child (Ta-Nehisi Coates,\u00a0\u2018Between the World and Me<\/i>\u2019). It\u2019s those who are race-minded, who think and react in terms of race: see Flannery O\u2019Connor\u2019s short story, \u2018The Artificial Nigger\u2019<\/i>. As Professor Amy Chua notes in\u00a0\u2018Political Tribes: Group Instinct and the Fate of Nations\u2019<\/i>, the majority projects itself as the norm; others are deviations and subordinate. \u201cSri Lanka\u201d means for many \u201cSinhalese Buddhist\u201d, and secondly Sinhalese Christians. Tamils, Muslims and others are beyond the including circle. (The Buddhist scholar, Dr. K. S. Palihakkara, using figurative language, sadly noted: Soon after the death of the Enlightened One, the beautiful clearing he had made was overrun by the surrounding jungle, and now \u201calmost all Buddhists practise more of Hinduism than Buddhism:\u00a0\u2018Buddhism Sans Myths & Miracles\u2019<\/i>, Stamford Lake Publications, Pannipitiya, 109. If this is so, it obviates the question whether there are Sinhalese Hindus: Buddhists are also Hindu.)<\/span><\/p>\n

Racism can strengthen the racial consciousness of a minority. While identity is neither single nor simple but multiple and complex, racism and \u2018colourism\u2019 focus on just one aspect: \u2018race\u2019 or skin-colour. I quote from an earlier article of mine:<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThere was a time when most, if not all in the Island, irrespective of language and religion, equally took a measure of pride and encouragement from ancient achievement, temple and lake; an equal measure of happiness in being \u201cCeylonese\u201d; a time when Tamils described themselves as Ceylonese and not (as some Tamils tend to do now) as \u201cSri Lankan Tamil\u201d. When in 1915, D. S. Senanayake (later the first Prime Minister of independent Ceylon) and his brother, F. R. Senanayake, were jailed by the British authorities, Tamil Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan went to England to plead their case. On his successful return, jubilant crowds placed him in a carriage, detached the horses, and dragged the carriage themselves. He was not seen as a Tamil who had helped free a Sinhalese, but as a Ceylonese helping a fellow Ceylonese\u2026 In 1925-6, when Bandaranayake, as leader of the Progressive National Party, set out the case for a federal political structure for Sri Lanka, he received no support for it from the Tamils (K M De Silva). In 1952, the Kankesuntharai parliamentary seat was contested by Chelvanayagam, as a member of the Federal Party. He was comfortably defeated by a UNP candidate.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Racism can erase class solidarity: I know individuals who were socialists but later in life proudly succumbed to racism. Even those who have chosen to live outside the Island, while asking for and enjoying equality in their new home, nourish racism in the Island. In the Bible, cruel and persecutory Saul changed dramatically, and became saintly Paul. But with politics, it\u2019s a case of Pauls becoming Sauls, racist and corrupt: life can be corrupting.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\u2018We can\u2019t breathe freely\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The trampling of the rights of others is often justified by a proclaimed sense of victimhood and vulnerability: \u201cWe are victims.\u201d \u201cWe attempt only to balance the scales of justice.\u201d \u201cOur identity and survival are in danger.\u201d The last is said even by an overwhelming majority in full control of the state and its apparatus. The struggle for equality by a minority group is deliberately miscast as an attempt at domination, and brutally suppressed: fear, imagined or real, can breed cruelty. George Floyd\u2019s dying words (May, 2020), \u201cI can\u2019t breathe!\u201d have resonated internationally. Oppressed minority groups may gasp: \u201cWe can\u2019t breathe freely!\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Inter-racial social and personal friendships do not alter fundamentals, though they are touted as evidence of the speaker being above racism. It doesn\u2019t help if you are against injustice but do nothing at all about it (Henry Thoreau, essay\u00a0\u2018On Civil Disobedience\u2019). Perhaps,<\/i>\u00a0the ruling elite in Sri Lanka, including military officers, have Tamil associates, if not friends: \u201cI have a Tamil friend, therefore I am not a racist.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Racism is also more powerful than religious affiliation: white Christians in the USA joined their fellow whites in enslaving or lynching black Christians. If I\u2019m not mistaken, Sinhalese Christians primarily don\u2019t identify with Tamil Christians but with Sinhalese Buddhists. A sacred text in one hand can inflict more harm than the knife or burning torch in the other. Religion has often willingly lent itself to political and racist projects. Those capable of injustice and cruelty (irrespective of religion), transform those evils into the noble and, most importantly, the holy: sacred, therefore obligatory. Golda Meir asserted that Israel was brought into existence in order to fulfil God\u2019s wish. Similarly, \u201cthe Buddha chose Lanka and us. Therefore, we have no choice but to dominate\u201d: not, \u201cBlame me on History\u201d but \u201cBlame me on the Divine\u201d!<\/span><\/p>\n

For Sri Lankan readers, the contradictions inherent in racism are illustrated by Anagarika Dharmapala .The Buddhism he \u2018exported\u2019 was a world religion; broad and inclusive; lofty and noble, but within Lanka, Dharmapala\u2019s Buddhism was narrow and racist. As Patrick Grant writes (\u2018Buddhism and Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka),<\/i>\u00a0Dharmapala lauded Buddhist tolerance and inclusion but believed in Sinhalese hegemony. He preached that Buddhism was universal, breaking down boundaries and hierarchies of race, colour, caste, kinship but promoted a racist Sinhalese-Buddhist fundamentalism, one which even excluded Sinhalese Christians. He urged young Sinhalese to be scientific but credited the myth of the \u2018Mahavamsa\u2019 with literal truth (Grant). Evidently, the Anagarika was not troubled by cognitive dissonance. The \u201cdreams\u201d of some can become terrible and tragic \u201cnightmare\u201d to others. The Anagarika was an irredentist who wanted to recover a paradise that had never existed. In his \u201cdream\u201d, Lanka under King Dutugemmunu was a paradise: The Sinhalese people lived a joyously cheerful life in those bygone times \u2026 the streets were crowded day and night by throngs of pilgrims \u2026 The atmosphere was saturated with the fragrance of sweet-smelling flowers and delicate perfumes There were \u201cno slaughter houses, no pawnshops, no brothels, no prisons and law Courts and no arrack taverns and opium dens\u201d: see, Ananda Guruge: \u2018Return to Righteousness\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\u2018Worse than War\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Professor Daniel Goldhagen (Harvard University) sees racism leading to something much \u2018Worse Than War\u2019 (eponymous) which he terms eliminationism, racism at its very worst \u2013 the transformation, repression, expulsion or extermination of a group. It\u2019s implemented \u201conly when the perpetrators are confident of success, owing to the overwhelming superior force they can unleash against defenceless people\u201d who, though they are fellow countrymen, are seen as foreigners and inferior. The enemy is pursued and killed with veritable \u201cglee\u201d. \u201cThey routinely talk to them, taunt them, conveying to them their belief in their deeds\u2019 rightness and justice, and their joy in performing them\u201d. Multiple acts of savagery not only precede and accompany but occur after the death of the victims. Bodies are stripped naked, mutilated and displayed to men, women and even children. The perpetrators express joy, gloat and boast. \u201cThey mock the victims and celebrate their death\u201d. Not only dead bodies but places of worship and cemeteries are deliberately desecrated. The rape of women is part of the display of power, intended to humiliate and visit shame, not only on the victims but collectively, on the group.<\/span><\/p>\n

Eliminationists view their victims as \u201chaving inflicted great injury upon them and their society\u201d. Eliminationist action is justified as being essentially retributive and, secondly, preventive of (imagined) future attack. The victims, and not the perpetrators, are seen as the \u201cproblem\u201d: They are the cause. They are to blame. They exist. Horrible and horrifying cruelty is seen as obligatory, laudable, even as \u201csacred\u201d. The aim of eliminationism is to homogenize society, to usher in some dreamed-of pure state.<\/span><\/p>\n

Language and visual images conveyed in talk and discussion, newspapers and radio spread the notion that an entire group of people are subhuman and dangerous. Therefore, any study of eliminationism that \u201cfails to give primacy to language and imagery\u201d denies the fundamental reality of how people are cognitively, psychologically and emotionally prepared. Language is the soil that contains the seeds of action. Such eliminationist attacks will not occur if the community in general disapproved, was shocked or expressed revulsion and distaste: there\u2019s general complicity. Intellectuals, artists, university professors, academics, journalists are no different from the illiterate and the lowest in society. Indeed, having status and influence, they are far worse and more culpable.<\/span><\/p>\n

Soldiers, the paramilitary and policemen play a major role in elminationism. They constitute \u201cpre-existing institutions of violence\u201d, and are either \u201cthe lead killing institution or in a critical support role\u201d. During a period of conflict, other countries have difficulty knowing what is happening, and this gives licence to the military to act as it pleases. Soldiers often feel rage because of the danger they face, and because \u201ctheir comrades, loved ones and people\u201d have been killed, suffered injury or harm. They inhabit a brutalizing and brutalized world.<\/span><\/p>\n

Detention camps set up by the government and its soldiers are \u201ca spatial, social and moral netherworld\u201d into which the perpetrators herd \u201ca weakened, overwhelmed, unthreatening, and pliant population, including children\u201d . \u201cA principal operational purpose of camp systems is degrading the victims, to make them understand their subjugated, demeaned, and right-less state. Camps are \u201ccruelty\u2019s quintessential sites\u201d and perpetrators create them in a manner guaranteeing the victims will suffer cruelty \u201cregularly, daily and nightly\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Changing perspective completely, one can argue that racism is inherent and makes us the most dangerous of all animals. We have made the planet and everything on it our prey\u00a0(\u2018The Life of Pi\u2019)<\/i>. There\u2019s something fundamentally flawed in our human makeup. Jacques Lacan wrote of the mirror-stage in the development of a human being when it realizes that the image seen in the mirror is she, herself: that there is me here. The German word fremdeln refers to a behavioural pattern in the development of infants in which a child has a mistrust, dislike or fear of strangers. In a fundamental, biological, sense there is \u201cMe\u201d and everyone else is the \u201cOther\u201d. Is racism the result of the individual, rather than being single, seeing herself as belonging to a group, separate from, if not opposed to, other groups formed by other individuals? Does racism go back to our distant past when, armed with stones and sticks, we fought other animals and other groups of humans for our very survival? Professor Harari writes (\u2018Sapiens\u2019) that tolerance is not a human characteristic, and a small difference in skin-colour, language or religion has been enough to prompt one group of Sapiens to set about exterminating another group. Biological distinctions between different groups of Homo sapiens are negligible yet figments of imagination are transformed into cruel and very real social structures and practice.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although not based on fact and science, \u2018race\u2019 exists powerfully. \u2018Race\u2019 exists \u2013 for those who believe it exists. To the Stoics, the divine spark in human beings was reason, and Voltaire believed that though doubt is uncomfortable, and certainty can lead to criminality, progress can be made by the use of reason. To my limited knowledge, Buddhism is a philosophy; a moral and ethical code. But a moral position is based on reason. What has struck me about Buddhist doctrine is its beautiful reasonableness (reason + able): no wonder most follow the Buddhist religion and not Buddhist doctrine. Empathy too is needed to combat racism. And a pre-requisite of empathy is a modicum of imagination; the ability to \u201cput oneself in the shoes of another\u201d. Bu this imagination and empathy are lacking \u2013 even in academics teaching lofty, compassionate, literary texts.<\/span><\/p>\n

Racism being irrational, can it be deconstructed by reason? After all, racists first form attitudes and beliefs, and then set about finding justification. Heraclitus famously said, \u201cAll is flux\u201d, and the Buddha made transience one of his most important perceptions. But though some things change, some unfortunately don\u2019t. Professor Harari observes that confronting racists with facts, evidence and statistics has no effect because their beliefs are not based on reason.<\/span><\/p>\n

Professor John Gray argues\u00a0(\u2018The Silence of Animals\u2019\u2019)<\/i>\u00a0that the idea that history is a story of increasing rationality, decency and ethical progress is a myth.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lines from a once-popular song: \u201cOh when will they ever learn? When will they ever learn?\u201d The question is really a sad exclamation. However, as Toni Morrison pointed out,, the more hopeless a just struggle, the greater the honour in not giving up. Reni Eddo-Lodge wrote that she no longer talks to white people about \u201ccolourism\u201d because it\u2019s futile. The speech-act theory is associated with J. L. Austin but it can be argued that all speech and writing are acts, and Reni Eddo-Lodge in saying she won\u2019t talk does precisely that. Violence in any form, as Sartre noted, is the failure of human beings to resolve issues without resorting to the crudity of force. Reason and language are what we have to combat racism, and the peaceful existence of several multi-ethnic, multicultural countries attest to the fact \u201cotherness\u201d need not necessarily lead to conflict. Franz Boas insisted on the basic unity of humankind. There was no natural hierarchy of races, cultures or languages. He acknowledged that rejecting traditional beliefs and stories \u201cin order to follow the trail of truth is a very severe struggle\u201d. Boas used the German word \u201cHerzenbildung\u201d, meaning the training of one\u2019s heart to see the humanity of another.<\/span><\/p>\n

Racists will argue that racism is natural. But doesn\u2019t \u201ccivilized\u201d also mean the overcoming of our negative impulses and drives? As I wrote to Martin Jacques, author of \u2018The Global Hierarchy of Race\u2019: \u201cIndividuals like you have helped to make people confront their prejudices; to increase awareness, and so change attitudes and conduct. Our globe, planet Earth, rotates on its own but social change is the result only of human endeavour and action.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u2018Race\u2019 and racism-By Prof. Charles Sarvan Source:Island The following is an abridged version of a longer essay: \u201cessay\u201d in the earlier meaning of \u201cto attempt\u201d. Argument generates the heat of emotion but rarely the light of understanding \u2013 I attempt merely to share some perspectives on race and racism. The signifier \u201cunicorn\u201d refers to a […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":65510,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"aside","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20],"tags":[34885,34886],"class_list":{"0":"post-65471","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-aside","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-articles","8":"tag-chelvanayagam","9":"tag-prof-charles-sarvan","10":"post_format-post-format-aside"},"yoast_head":"\n\u2018Race\u2019 and racism-By Prof. Charles Sarvan<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The following is an abridged version of a longer essay: \u201cessay\u201d in the earlier meaning of \u201cto attempt\u201d. 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